Monday, January 9, 2023

Supremes Ask Biden Administration To Chime In On Public Charter Skirts Case

Today we veered just a bit closer to having the Supreme Court decide whether charter schools are public or not.

The case is nominally about a charter school dress code, but not really. The dress code, based on an old white businessman's idea of how to preserve chivalry and frail womanhood, is clearly illegal--but only if charter schools are actual public schools. 

Baker Mitchell, a successful North Carolina charter school profiteer, would like to argue that charter schools are not public schools (or "state actors," the fancy legalese term being used in these cases) and that they in fact exist as what one judge described as a parallel school system in a constitution-free zone. 

So, the case is a big deal because since the dawn of the modern charter era, charters have insisted on the right to call themselves public or not based on which descriptor is most convenient on any given day. 

For the record, I agree with Mitchell to a point. We would both make statements that begin with "Charter schools are not public schools..." but from there they would diverge a bit.

Mitchell: Charter schools are not public schools and therefor we should be free to impose whatever rules we feel like imposing, including those that would be unconstitutional if the government did it.

Me: Charter schools are not public schools and therefor they should receive none of the tax dollars collected to fund public education. Or if they want to be public schools, they could observe all the rules that public schools follow. Or maybe legislators could be honest and say, "In order to fund a completely separate education system, we'll need to raise new taxes to pay for it.

You see the difference.

The current decision on the matter comes from the Fourth Circuit which says, "Yes, they are public." Mitchell and his backers do not like that. So we've been waiting to see if the Supreme Court would like to hear the appeal.

Today, they came back with the answer, "Ummm....."  The court asked U.S. Solicitor General Elizabeth Prelogar to file a brief expressing the Biden administration's view on the litigation and whether the Supreme Court should take up the matter. 

The school's lawyer says this is a good sign because it means they're taking the case seriously, and lawyers of my acquaintance agree. That also likely means that it will be a while before they get around to it. 

There are all sorts of implications here. Making girls wear skirts seems like a dumb hill to fight on, but if it's ruled a charter can impose this kind of archaic "traditional" clearly discriminatory rule, it's not hard to imagine what other archaic discriminatory traditions could be brought back, particularly given the number of wannabe religious charter operators who are backing the appeal.

So now we wait to hear what the Biden administration has to say, and that's not an easy prediction in this case. Then we wait to see what SCOTUS thinks about what the Biden administration says. Given what we've seen in Carson v. Makin and Kennedy and a host of other decisions from this court, it would not shock me to find us eventually winding our way around to "Charter schools can do whatever the hell they want and the public has to foot the bill for it." And the substitution of tradition for actual law that we've seen doesn't bode well here, either. We'll see. 

Sunday, January 8, 2023

ICYMI: The Normal Edition (1/8)

I always liked this time of year when I was teaching. Things sort of settle in, and the classes land on what will be the baseline for the remainder of the year. Things seem a little more in focus, a little less wildly variable. It is the first time of year that I ever felt there was a normal in my classroom. 

Here's some reading from the week. Remember--you can help spread the word by sharing any pieces that strike you as important. Share them right from the original source. Every little bit helps.

The Absurd Year in Educational Censorship

I'm late with this one, but it's worth a read--PEN America compiles the lowlights from the year in attacks on the right to read. 

What the American Teacher Act Shows Us About Education Now

Jose Luis Vilson has some thoughts about the proposal for a federal minimum teacher salary, and as always, they are smart and worth your time.

“Deja Vu All Over Again”

Retired education reporter John Merrow has some thoughts about where we are, both with teacher pay and the valuing of education.

Saving Public Schools for ALL Our Children in the New Year

Nancy Bailey has some thoughts about concrete actions we can each take to help forward the cause of public education in the new year.

Ohio’s Public Schools Had a Rough 2022 and Face Bleak Legislative Prospects in 2023

If you aren't following Jan Resseger, you should be. Here's a rundown for Ohio of the best and the worst of the last year, and the prospects for the new year.

Florida’s education system is vastly underperforming

Billy Townsend has been trying to get people to hear this for years, and the Tampa Bay Times finally gave him the space. Florida's education miracle is a hoax, a mirage that vanishes as soon as you look what happens after those wonderful 4th grade scores are gained.

“What Got Us Here, Won’t Get Us There” – Florida’s 8th Grade NAEP Disaster

Accountabaloney with the follow-up to Townsend's piece. More details of the Florida not-remotely-a-miracle.

Florida Gov. DeSantis’s latest oxymoronic school spiel

Valerie Strauss pulls no punches in looking at Ron DeSantis's inauguration speech and its swipes at public education.

An AI that can "write" is feeding delusions about how smart artificial intelligence really is

Gary Smith at Salon with one of the better takes on the GPT-3 writing flap.


Andy Spears provides a full story of the last zany year of Hillsdale and Governor Lee's fractured love affair.

Here Are 5 Book Ban Trends to Watch in 2023

Jonathan Friedman of PEN America with some trends to watch for in the coming year. These are the reading restriction actions we can expect to see.


Nancy Flanagan about what leadership in a school really means, and what its absence hurts.

I didn't put anything up at Forbes this week, but my first syndicated piece hit the world. It's an explainer about education savings accounts--if you're wondering what they are and why you should care, this covers it. 




Saturday, January 7, 2023

California's Creepy Cradle to Career Pipeline

If you thought that we'd moved away from the creepy idea of a cradle to career pipeline in which young humans are unwilling victims of steady state surveillance, then California has some bad news for you.

California enacted the Cradle-To-Career Data Systems Act in 2019. The stated public argument was, as has always been the case with data mining schools and students, something along the lines of "Only by collecting all this data about students can we figure out how to get the aid and supports out to the people who really need it." Or as their vision statement puts it, "The Cradle-to-Career System seeks to foster evidence-based decision-making to help Californians build more equitable futures and empower individuals to reach their full potential."

Sure. The cradle-to-career data pipeline has been kicked around since at least thirty years ago, when Marc Tucker  wrote the infamous "Dear Hillary" letter that laid out a federal-heavy system for tracking every child in this country data point by data point. 

The lion's share of the work on California's system appears to have been done by WestEd, a consulting firm grown out of the old federal regional education laboratory system.

California's version of the pipeline has been praised by the usual assortment of data fans, like the Data Quality Campaign, which thinks California's is a model program that everyone should be following. That's not a good sign.

The Data Quality Campaign has been around a long time in ed reform terms. DQC was put together in 2005 with ten partners:

Achieve, Inc. (www.achieve.org)
Alliance for Excellent Education (www.all4ed.org)
Council of Chief State School Officers (www.ccsso.org)
The Education Trust (www.edtrust.org)
National Center for Educational Accountability (www.nc4ea.org or www.just4kids.org)
National Center for Higher Education Management Systems (www.nchems.org)
National Governors Association Center for Best Practices (www.nga.org/center)
Schools Interoperability Framework Association (www.sifinfo.org)
Standard & Poor's School Evaluation Services (www.schoolmatters.com)
State Higher Education Executive Officers (www.sheeo.org)

The scope of California's data collection is staggering. Pre-K enrollment. The L-12 tab includes almost fifty data points (including lots of tests scores). Detailed post-secondary data. Workforce training. Financial aid. Social service "experiences." Employment "variables" including salary information. A batch of personal characteristics data. Data about teacher credentials and the schools the person attended. All of this is supposedly "depersonalized" and kept in a super-secure lockbox.

Who is all this supposed to be for? The system's site says there are three target groups. Students and families will have tools to make it easier to get through the go-to-college process. Unlikely. Educators will be able to monitor student prepping for college and "develop action plans based on data about learning, supportive services and employment." Also unlikely. There's nothing here that will be useful--certainly not more useful just because it's thrown into a hopper with a bunch of other data.

Third come "advocates and researchers" who will get to analyze a bunch of data to "shape policy." That is the only one of the three that sounds likely. Though the cynic in me bets that the process won't be so much "shape policy" as "sift through data top manufacture support for the policy I've already decided I want to push." 

Of course, the really ambitious dreamers in the conception-to-internment game want to see a bigger picture, a world in which young humans are so well described in a data profile (probably kept on the blockchain) that an employer can just order up meat widgets to exact specifications. That was probably one of the driving forces behind Common Core Standards, which could be understood as data tags for assessing, tracking and recording the exact competencies of students. The kind of deep data collecting that a womb-to-tomb pipeline would yield could also be harnessed for social impact bonds, a creepy was to monetize the struggles of human beings

Worshippers in the Cult of Data believe that if they just know everything, they can control everything. Neither side of that equation, neither the knowing nor the controlling, is an admirable or worthy goal. Not just because both are unattainable, but because the attempts to attain them are dehumanizing and destructive. 

California's framework for universal underage surveillance is just getting launched, and you can bet that its backers will have additional great ideas ("Hey, we could give everyone social and emotional tests and then record those in there, too"). There's also a non-zero chance that the assembled data will be used for a variety of unintended purposes, either to generate revenue or because someone fails at keeping it safe. And just wait till someone decides that they might as well imitate Florida's Big Brother Safety Surveillance System, because data-base future crime prevention is awesome. 

The risks are large, the violation is unconscionable, and the benefits are imaginary. Please, God, let it not catch on in every other state. 





FL: Can We Stop Pretending This Is About Choice?

Can we stop pretending that Ron DeSantis and his allies have any interest in choice when it comes to education?

The hits just keep on coming. This week DeSantis packed the board of Sarasota's New College with some far right folks. The headline appointment was Christopher Rufo, the right wing activist who brought us critical race theory panic and who has suggested that we can get to universal choice by sowing universal distrust of the public school system.

But choice is not the point, and for a certain sector, it has never been the point. Ron DeSantis has just become the most obvious example. Taking the liberal and successful New College and targeting it to become the "Hillsdale of the South" is not about creating more choices, and nobody is even pretending that it is. It's about silencing one set of voices and amplifying another set. 

This is not a new trend. The Don't Say Gay law and the Stop WOKE Act are two perfect examples of actions intended to stop one particular set of values and expression and replace them with others. At no point has DeSantis expressed the notion that Florida should have room for people to choose between "woke" and "unwoke" views in education; instead he has been quite clear that "woke" ideas must be stamped out. He's not arguing for a wide variety of choices; he is arguing that his preferred choices should be the only choices.

He pushes the end of tenure for Florida public university faculty, arguing that they develop an "intellectual orthodoxy" is left unchecked, by which he means they get attached to ideas other than the orthodoxy that he supports. DeSantis promised to crack down on "woke" ideology, then called for an audit of money spent on diversity, equity and inclusion programs at colleges.

None of this is about choice. None of it. School choice advocates who hold Florida and DeSantis up as examples of forward-thinking awesome school choice advances are being disingenuous--Florida is on a road to impose a more ideologically focused authoritarian model of education in which only ideas approved by the governor may be included in schooling. 

It's the two-pronged win-win of the culture warriors. Either they dismantle the offending institution and replace it with one of their own, or they take over the institution and install the leadership they prefer. 

There are many levels of irony here, including the irony that a pluralistic school system run by locally elected officials provides far more choices than a system bent to a particular ideology. And many folks have pointed out the disconnect between conservative support for choice in some areas (education) but not in others (reproductive health). But there really is no disconnect, just differing definitions of choice, and a belief that any system of choice should only include the correct choices. Which for the strictest of ideologies (or opportunists playing to the ideologue crowd) is a very narrow set of choices. 

It's not about choice or freedom. It's about restricting the rights and expressions of people you disagree with and expanding the rights and expressions of the people you agree with. The more DeSantis advances his agenda, the clearer it becomes that it has never been about choice at all. 

Friday, January 6, 2023

What George Will Missed About That Charter Case

Apparently it's a thing to try to create enough public noise that you might get the Supreme Court to take on your case, so Baker Mitchell has been all over the conservative mediasphere this week bemoaning a Fourth Circuit court decision from last summer that he and his friends are hoping the Supremes will shortly make a decision to hear. 



Baker's has been singing his sad song in several outlets, and somehow he apparently got George Will to play a remix of the original in the Washington Post. Will is a smart guy, but in this piece he mostly repeated the charter's talking points from the case. If someone comes waving this piece in your face, here's what Will gets wrong (you can get the full background of the case itself here). 

There's an opening salvo of lovable Willian snark-- "If opponents of expanded school choices would devote to improving public education half the ingenuity they invest in impeding competition from alternatives to the status quo, there would be less demand for alternatives."

Then a cut to the chase-- SCOTUS needs to find that charter schools are not "state actors" (aka "not public schools") so that charters can present "pedagogical and cultural choices without being vulnerable to suffocating litigation." Because it would be suffocating to have to constantly grant students their constitutional rights or follow other anti-discrimination laws.

Will offers a quick explanation of what charter schools are, and he's almost entirely wrong. Laboratories of innovation? I dare you to name one educational "innovation" that public schools didn't already know (cream students with supportive families). Publicly funded? True. Open to all? Practically speaking, absolutely untrue, unless you add qualifiers like "open to all who would comply with the school's rules and requirements." This one's extra tricky, because the whole point of this continued legal wrangle is to find charters non-public schools so that they can freely decide which students they will not be open to without having to be sneaky about it. Tuition free? Sort of true, unless you happen to choose a charter where, for instance, parents are required to volunteer a certain number of hours.

Being non-unionized, they are exempt from much of the stultifying micromanagement and uniformity that narrows parental choices.

Nope. For starters, some charter schools have unions, and some states have rendered unions virtually powerless. And Will is using a rhetorical trick to suggest what he knows he can't say, because unions are not the source of stultifying micromanagement and uniformity.

Will characterizes the school at the center of the lawsuit as "classical, traditional-values-based" education and oddly highlights "with attention to manners," as if making girls show their legs is a matter of etiquette. And he repeats the claim that the dress code is parent-designed, which I find unlikely, but it's moot anyway--the lawsuit against the dress code also originated with parents, so that's rather a wash.

The plaintiffs say that the dress code violates the 14th Amendment, Will reports. So does the Fourth Circuit Court of Appeals. And Will has a rebuttal for that, which in its entirety is "Really."

Will argues that the basis for calling the charter a state actor are flimsy. Number one is "Charters are called 'public' schools," which is true--and the people who have most often and most vehemently insisted that charter schools are public schools are, in fact, charter school advocates. The have been vocal, vehement, at times pretty cranky about it. But Mitchell and Will would like to pretend that some random person slapped that label on them, rather than the label being argued ad infinitum by an industry that desperately wanted to wrap itself in the mantle of "public" education--but only when it was advantageous to do so.

Will isn't really going to address that point. Instead he's going to point out that public funding does not transform a school into a public actor, and that an action isn't a state action unless the state "compels or coerces it." I skipped law school, but would that mean that nobody can sue a local government for anything ever? Also Will says we've always had private schools, so you can't claim that providing education is "traditionally and exclusively" a government function, and he may have a point there.

He thinks one of the dissents "demolishes" the decision as draping "a pall of orthodoxy over charter schools" whose purpose is to provide "educational heterodoxy," and if that's truly the purpose of charters, then they are largely failing. There's no excuse for stretching the Fourteenth Amendment to "stamp out the rights of others to hold different values and to make different choices," and the school is being picked on for rules "at odds with modern sensibilities," which is an argument that would be right at home in a dissent to Brown v. Board. The dissenter and Will both glide over the fact we're talking about different values and choices about how to treat other people and make them behave, not, as the dissenter frames it, whether to order steak or salmon at a restaurant. In his example, students are the steak and salmon. 

Will suggests that charters are under attack because they are so popular, and this case is just an attempt to strangle them. Next thing you know, Will argues, there will be attacks on single sex charters and charters with anti-trans rules. And then religion will bring up the establishment clause, which seems unlikely since SCOTUS has pretty much gutted that whole wall between church and school thing. 

But Will warns that this is all about crushing "true diversity." Yes, that's where we are--the right to discriminate and treat others in ways generally not allowed by law is now "diversity," another example of the conservative approach of grabbing a liberal buzzword and trying to beat liberals over the head with it. 

Like all of the supporters of the charters in this case, Will skips over the fact that the National Alliance of Public Charter Schools came down hard in favor of the Fourth Circuit ruling. A win for the charter in this case will mean an end of the marketing charters as public schools, and it will raise the next obvious question--if these are not public schools, why are we paying for them with public tax dollars. It will seriously blur the line between charters and voucher-fed private schools, which for those who really believe in charters as something other than a means of defunding public education and getting voucher feet in the door--well, it will suck. 

Will gets it mostly wrong in this piece. But he thinks SCOTUS is going to decide whether or not to hear it soon, and if so--well, maybe they won't decide to set up a parallel school system in a Constitution-free zone, but I'm not going to bet heavily on it. 

Thursday, January 5, 2023

AI Gets It Wrong Again

The lead paragraph from the Gizmodo story pretty well captures the awful stupidity:

Randall Reid says he’s never even been to Louisiana, much less stolen $10,000 worth of Chanel and Louis Vuitton handbags there. That didn’t stop police from arresting the 28-year-old Georgia resident for the theft, committed in a New Orleans suburb, based on an algorithmic guess at what his face looked like. Reid was on the way to a belated Thanksgiving dinner with his mother when the cops picked him up, three states and seven hours away from the scene of the crime. He was locked up for nearly a week.

Facial recognition algorithms have a spotty record, except when it comes to Black faces, in which case they have a terrible record. 

This needs to be brought up repeatedly because A) people need to stop talking about "AI" as if it is magical and smart when it is neither and B) there are still folks who think that facial recognition algorithms would be a great way to make schools more secure. This nightmarish idea will have legs as long as tech security companies can smell money. In fact, it can get even worse when districts consider putting cameras in every classroom

From putting cameras in every classroom, or just all over the building, it will be a short step to, "Hey, as long as we've got these images anyway, why not throw in some cool AI to help us track and track down certain people." We need constant reminders of stories like the story of Randall Reid. When people turn off their brains and turn on algorithms, bad things happen, and it would be a massive tragedy if those things happened to the most vulnerable members of our society. 

Wednesday, January 4, 2023

Charter Operators: "Don't Call Us Public"

In the regularly pro-choice Wall Street Journal, Baker Mitchell and Robert Spencer want to complain about a court decision declaring that their charter schools are, in fact, public schools. This, they warn, "imperils the charter school movement." Their complaint is a big pile of deep fried baloney.

The case that prompted this whinging

One of the charter schools operated by Roger Bacon Academy was sued by some parents over a dress code requiring girls to wear skirts (or skorts--but none of that pants-wearing stuff, ladies). 

Such a big deal. Who knew?
RBA is owned and operated by Baker Mitchell, Jr., one of the titans of charter profiteering. Back in 2014, Marian Wang profiled the "politically-connected businessman who celebrates the power of the free market," and how he perfected the business of starting nonprofit charter schools and then having those schools lease their buildings, equipment, programs, etc. from for-profit companies owned and operated by Baker Mitchell, Jr. Mitchell (now in his early eighties) thinks the rule is great:

“We're a school of choice. We're classical in our curriculum and very traditional. I believe that the more of the traditional things you have in place, the more they tend to reinforce each other,” he said in a phone interview. “We want boys to be boys and girls to be girls and have mutual respect for each other. We want boys to carry the umbrella for girls and open doors for them ... and we want to start teaching that in grammar school.”

The case bounced up through the various court levels until it landed in front of the full panel of the Fourth Circuit Court of Appeals, which declared that the rule was junk and had to be thrown out. Not a worthwhile call-back to what one dissenting judge called "the age of chivalry" as the majority noted such an age was also the age "when men could assault their spouses" and that chivalry "may not have been a bed of roses for those forced to lie in it."

Nor did the court accept the argument that girls were still getting good grades. “We cannot excuse discrimination because its victims are resilient enough to persist in the face of such unequal treatment."

So what's the big deal? (Spoiler alert: that state actor thing)

Mitchell and Spencer are not whining about the loss of their ability to require girls to show their legs. They protest that the policy was created by parents; well, so was the lawsuit, so that hardly seems like a useful point. And it's not the main concern,

The case hinged on the question of whether or not charter schools are "state actors" aka actual public schools. The court said, "Yes, they are." 

Mitchell and Spencer complain that no court has ever done such a thing and therefor:

The Fourth Circuit’s finding appears to have been based on little more than the convention of calling charters “public charter schools” and their being mostly funded by public sources.

This is kind of hilarious, because the "convention" of calling these school public was created entirely, and purposefully, by the charter industry and its supporters. They have insisted loudly and often that charter schools are absolutely public schools, and have engaged in uncountable arguments with anyone who dares to say otherwise. Of course, they have also frequently insisted that they are private businesses when it's convenient for fending off state scrutiny or grabbing PPP pandemic relief money.

And despite Mitchell and Spencer's apocalyptic warnings, you know who applauded the court's ruling?


The importance of this case could not be overstated, as it was the first time a federal appellate court considered whether public charter school students deserve the same constitutional civil rights protections as district public school students. The en banc court clearly and unequivocally affirmed that charter schools are public schools and, accordingly, must be bound by the US Constitution. Moreover, public charter school students have the same constitutional and civil rights as their district public school peers.

Galen Sherwin, ACLU senior staff attorney, observed that the ruling was important because  

The court rightly recognizes that ruling otherwise would leave states free to establish parallel, privately operated public school systems in a constitution-free zone, free to implement race segregation, religious discrimination, etc.

So what are they really, really upset about?

The tell comes a little further down the piece.

The ruling comes at a time when the charter-school movement is growing. Oklahoma’s attorney general recently issued a legal opinion stating that religious organizations must be allowed to operate charter schools in the Sooner State. A key aspect of the opinion was a finding that charter schools are not state actors and, therefore, the Constitution’s Establishment Clause doesn’t prohibit the inculcation of religious values, as it does in government-run schools.

If charter schools are state actors, then that might get in the way of expanding religious charters. And sure enough-- we find amicus briefs filed by Catholic Charities of the Diocese of Arlington VA, Notre Dame Law School Religious Liberty Clinic, the Jewish Coalition for Religious Liberty, and the Religious Freedom Institute. "These experts," say the writers, confusing advocacy and lobbying with expertise, say the Fourth Circuit's ruling would undercut charter schools.

Well, no. They would undercut the extension of private religious organizations into a sweet, sweet chance to get their hands on public tax dollars while still enjoying unregulated freedom to indoctrinate some students into their religion while also discriminating against whatever students they choose to discriminate against in a taxpayer-funded Constitution-free zone.


Are we done yet?

Of course not. The school has petitioned the Supreme Court to hear their appeal. It invokes the 14th Amendment and features this kind of flag-waving:

North Carolina charter schools-like many throughout the Nation-build upon a critical insight: Empowering private entities to operate publicly funded schools with minimal government oversight supercharges educational innovation and expands parental choice. The decision below profoundly threatens this model.


"Supercharges innovation." Sure. Making girls wear skirts is one hell of a supercharged innovation. My usual offer stands--name one educational innovation that has come out of the modern charter school sector.

Mitchell and Spencer want you to know that damn ACLU is behind this case, but they aren't exactly being represented by a Mom and Pop firm. Aaron Streett is an attorney with Baker Botts, a multinational law firm (where both Amy Coney Barrett and Ted Cruz once worked), and that he's the chair of their Supreme Court and Constitutional Law Group. Streett says that the majority opinion "contradicts Supreme Court precedent on state action...and limits the ability of parents to choose the best education for their children."

The argument is simple enough--we are not a public school, so we should get to do whatever the hell we want (and be paid by taxpayer dollars while we do it).

It's a tough call for the charter biz--if they aren't public schools, then at this point they really aren't much different from private voucher schools, so what's the point of them? But if they want to market themselves as public schools, they can damn well operate under public school rules.

Who knows if SCOTUS will hear this, or what they will decide. But regardless of how things end up, it looks like the charter movement's days of being able to have things both ways may be coming to an end.