Tuesday, February 9, 2021

This Is Not An Anti-Teacher Gotcha Moment

 So I posted this on Twitter, and drew the response pictured here


There's a special group of folks among those who hate teacher unions and the teachers who belong to them. You'll remember these folks from back in the days when we were going to use test-based teacher ratings to fire our way to greatness. Their story of the US public education system is something like this--

The whole system is a sham, a massive con perpetrated by the teachers union, in which they get a whole bunch of people who don't want to teach, don't even want to work, but just want to sit lazily in a comfy sinecure for which privilege they pay a kickback to the union, which is only interested in public education as its big fat fund raiser.

You won't find these people writing in any mainstream outlets, but you sure can meet them on Twitter. And as the battle over re-opening school buildings heats up, they are pointing their fingers with great fervor, because they are sure this is a gotcha moment. "Look!" they want to holler. "See? I told you! Teachers do not actually want to work. This (probably fake) pandemic gave them an excuse to sit at home and get paid for doing nothing, and they don't want it to end! I told you and told you--they're a bunch of lazy slobs attached to the public taxpayer teat. This proves it!!" And like my friend above, they believe that teachers think the taxpayers are suckers for letting them do it.

Thing is, I know lots of teachers, and I can report that since last March, I have not heard a single one say, "Man, I just hope this goes on forever." Not one, and not anything remotely like that. If I've heard anything outside of the mainstream versions of the sides of this debate, it has been teachers who say, quietly, "Even if it's not safe yet, I'm okay going back because it would be such a relief to be done with this distance/hybrid stuff."

Teachers became teachers because they want to teach. Teachers are also varied human beings, many with families and children and health concerns and even business/employment concerns and all the same issues that all the other various human beings are dealing with.  

This time, this pandemic, is an absolutely wrong time for folks to indulge in the tendency to demonize the other side. Everyone is facing a range of options that all suck, and everybody is worried about whichever suckness is currently staring them in the face and why should anybody actually have to explain this? Now would really be a good time to work hard at humaning. There are no gotchas to be got.




PA: A Reminder That Charter Schools Are Businesses

Who do you suppose might have said the following:

During the last few years, we’ve created a complete business ecosystem at The Waterfront. This strategic purchase was the natural next step as we continue to expand our operations.

A: A classroom teacher
B: A building principal
C: A corporate VP in charge of mergers and acquisitions
D: The CEO of a cyber charter school

The answer is D, and the speaker is Thomas Longenecker. Longenecker is the CEO (former COO) and president of Commonwealth Charter Academy (CCA); he's also an adjunct professor of school finance and school law at Wilkes University, a PA university that specializes in online degrees. Before all that, he was business chief at two different school districts. His LinkedIn profile has a 13-year gap between his college graduation with a BA in business and his first school district job. 

CCA was launched in 2003 and has become the biggest cyber charter in PA. Their website leans heavily on the "It's free!" angle. They used to be called Commonwealth Connections Academy until 2016, and the website under that name is still live. Because--the name change coincided with the dropping of Connections Academy LLC as their education  program provider, but Connections Academy remains one of the Pearson cyber school brands still busily working the ed biz. Commonwealth Connections, owned by Pearson, at one point employed a guy named Mickey Revenaugh as a lobbyist; Revenaugh was also the corporate chair of the ALEC education task force. It gets confusing--CCA's 2017 990  shows them contracting with Pearson for $24 million worth of learning management platforms; that's less than half of the $54 million they spent in 2016, but it's not like they completely cut the cord. And previous year's costs for Commonwealth Connections to run CCA were in the $21 million range. 

Tracking personnel is tricky-- Longenecker's LinkedIn profile has him becoming CEO in 2019, but the previous CEO (Maurice Flurie) didn't leave the post till July of 2020. Flurie previously turned up whenever the industry needed a spokesperson or some favorable testimony in Harrisburg. Now he's running the Flurie Solutions Group, a four-year-old outfit that appears to have no website, but in an interview he's described as "a cyber education expert who specializes in aiding school systems, government entities, and private companies to develop plans." 

Why did Flurie bail last year, just as pandemic conditions were painting a rosy future for cyber schools? I don't know-- but the new guy is doing well. The quote that we kicked off this post with is from news about a big real estate deal in Pittsburgh, where CCA has purchased a redeveloped office complex that used to be a Macy's (at the Waterfront, for y'uns who knows your burgh). CCA had previously leased the first floor of the complex (about 70,000 square feet); now they will own the whole building, while the same company they previously leased from will manage it for them. That company--M&J Wilkow (creating value in real estate)--had originally purchased the building from Macy's. "When we purchased the building from Macy's, we knew it would be ideal for business tenants."

This is not the first time CCA has bought up some shiny real estate; last September they spent $15 million on a the former headquarters of Ricoh in the Greater Philly area. Fun side note; in that story we learn that there is such a thing as a "charter school niche broker," in this case Avison Young, a nationwide real estate company. Back in 2016, CCA bought the former PA State Employees Credit Union hq in Harrisburg for $5 million, to replace several leased offices. They had headquartery plans for about 90K square feet the use of the 180,000 square foot building; the rest they planned to lease out. Google says the address is now 1 Innovation Way, and PSECU is one of CCA's tenants.

It's a lot of money. So is the roughly $8 million CCA reported spending on advertising in 2017. We might know more about how CCA is spending PA tax dollars, but there are no 990s on file later than the 2017 year, and the state hasn't audited them since 2012!

Bottom line here is that CCA has an awful lot of taxpayer money to throw around on real estate and advertising and pursuing a expansion of operations. CCA is a business, a very profitable business that actually doesn't do very well on the teaching students part of the business, but does quite well on the making money part. Pennsylvania's cyber charter industry, like California's, is long overdue for reform. Let's hope the newest attempt to institute such reforms is successful.







Monday, February 8, 2021

Donors Chose Monday: Books. Just Books.

Researchers actually took a look at teacher fundraising via Donors Chose and other micro-philanthropy sites. Some of the patterns that emerged are not exactly surprising--the site is used for "triage and not extras," and more prevalent in states where funding of schools is less than optimal. 

As I've said before, Donors Choose shouldn't be a thing. The need it meets shouldn't exist, and stories about how Teacher Pat had a project funded are not feel-good stories--they're a sign that funding for education in this country is a mess. 

That said, we can either ignore the problem because it shouldn't exist, or we can try to pitch in. I am not a fan of enabling bad management, but in retirement I keep looking for ways to support not just the profession, but the people working in it. So I continue with this weekly (or bi-weekly or however often I get back to it) choice to find a Donors Chose  project and support it, and invite you to join me. If not on the featured project, then on one of your own choice, or a contribution to a local classroom. 

This time, I'm contributing to Mrs. Ploss and her first grade classroom at Elk Valley Elementary School in Lake City, PA. Mrs. Ploss is looking for books and Scholastic magazine. I can't think of anything any better than getting reading materials into first graders' hands.

Also, Mrs. Small at Shaver Elementary School in Portland, OR is trying to build a classroom library that reflects the diversity of her students. What can I say? I love the books.

And speaking of books for kids-- I've written about and you've probably heard about the Imagination Library, a project of Dolly Parton. It puts a book a month in the hands of families of littles across the country and internationally as well. It's one of the great modern educational philanthropies, and you can contribute to their work directly--just follow this link. 

Sunday, February 7, 2021

ICYMI: Hooray for the Sports Ball Edition (2/7)

My understanding is that there will be some sort of contest today in which millionaires will chase a bag of air up and down a plastic field. But since none of them are Steelers, who really cares. I'll catch up later. And if you're killing time today until the sportsballfest begins, here's some reading from a blessedly low-eventful week.

A Bucket of Nuggets

A pot-pourri of stuff from Dad Gone Wild, including the irony of current McKinsey news.

The 12-point Covid-19 disconnect between teachers and those who want schools open now!

Nancy Bailey delivers a swift and pointed breakdown of the current school opening breakdown.

School choice policies are associated with increased separation of students by social class

At The Conversation, a rundown of research that will not surprise you even a little bit, using some international data.

Betsy DeVos is gone, but her agenda lives on

A recurring theme of the week, as attention turned to the surprising number of states that seem determined to pick up Betsy's baton and run with it by kneecapping public education. This one's from Jeff Bryant at Alternet.

Betsy DeVos is gone--but DeVosism sure isn't.

I'm just going to set a few of these here together. This is Valerie Strauss's take, with some state by state info.

Carrying Betsy DeVos' Torch

Come for the photo, stay for Rebecca Klein's excellent summation of the current voucher push.

A year into the pandemic, the digital divide is as wide as ever.

Remember how the widespread need for solid internet for distance learning was going to jumpstart a revolution to end the digital divide? Yeah, didn't happen yet, per USA Today.

The false narrative of the needy kids versus the selfish teachers union

John Merrow offers some history and perspective on the current debate.

Big Oil Gets To Teach Climate Science in American Classrooms

Yikes. Bloomberg shines some light on the latest big oil propaganda initiative, and how some teachers are fighting back.

No More Proctorio

University of Illinois at Urbana-Champaign becomes another school to say no to the big surveillance program. Will more follow? From Colleen Flaherty at Inside Higher Ed.

Cancel the PSSAs and Keystones in 2021

An editorial board actually comes down on the right side of this. The PA USA Today Network Editorial Board says no the PA version of the Big Standardized Test.

When it comes to public education critics, the Fordham Institute deserves closer scrutiny

In Ohio, an op-ed from Jeanne Melvin and Denis Smith laying out some of the particulars of why the Fordham is well worth ignoring

Students Respond to Adults' Fixation on 'Learning Loss'

Larry Ferlazzo reports at EdWeek on what some actual students think about this big LL panic

Educators around the world seek to take axe to exam-based learning

The Financial Times, of all things, with a piece about all the many places and ways the BS Test is loathed, and ways to get rid of it.

The mirage of school choice masks the hard work sorely needed in education

Randall Balmer offers an op-ed in the Des Moines Register recaps how this whole reform baloney works.

Five key moments from Miguel Cardona's confirmation hearing

Honestly, I'm pretty happy that the hearing was this week and most of the US didn't even notice (the full-length headline has to identify who he is). Valerie Strauss has a nice summation of the notable moments, and none of them are all that exciting, except that it's kind of exciting to have a secretary of ed who isn't all that exciting.

Secretary Cardona's first big test

Jan Resseger builds the case for a federal waiver for the BS Test this spring.

The "Science of Reading": A movement anchored in the past

Paul Thomas continues to be one of the best at pushing back against SOR. 

Kids Last

In California, a charter school chain apparently wants to build a school on a toxic land fill.

Sitting on billions, Catholic dioceses amassed taxpayer aid

The National Catholic Reporter digs up some info about how the Catholic Church and its schools cashed in on the small business relief program.

Don't Blame Lack of Education

Amanda Marcotte at Salon points out one lesson of the QAnon wave--wealth and education do not insulate people from crazy conspiracy theories.





Saturday, February 6, 2021

PA: Budget Kicks Off Another Round Of Charter Battles

Governor Tom Wolf has released his budget proposal, and charter supporters are not happy.

This is not the first time Wolf has made the charter school industry sad. Back in the summer of 2019 he fired some shots across their bows with an aggressive agenda for fixing Pennsylvania's messed up charter funding system. In return, they've launched a variety of PR pushes; indications are they have something a little more potent in mind this time.

In his 2020 budget speech, tried to soothe the industry and thread the needle, saying that Pennsylvania students should get a great education "whether in a traditional public school or a charter school" an noting that "Pennsylvania has a history of school choice, which I support." But he also said that some charter schools are “little more than fronts for private management companies, and the only innovations they’re coming up with involve finding new ways to take money out of the pockets of property taxpayers.”

The 2021 budget has several features to tighten up Pennsylvania's exceptionally loose charter industry. 

Pennsylvania's 14 cyber charters will be audited. "Wait," you say. "the cyber charters aren't audited?" The answer is "barely;" six of the charters have never been audited at all, and the largest cyber charter in the state, Commonwealth Charter Academy, was last audited in 2012. 

The proposal also targets cyber charter funding, one of the deeply nonsensical features of the Pennsylvania charter landscape. Cybers get 100% of the same payment as a brick and mortar charter school--even though they have no bricks, no mortar, and none of the other expenses of an actual school building. Consequently, cyber schools in PA are making money hand over fist, and taxpayer dollars go to things like advertising ($1,000 per student recruited at one charter) and, no kidding, a cool robot dog. The governor proposes to set a statewide cyber tuition rate that is still mighty generous. The state's in-house online education program costs about $5,400 per student per year, and the governor proposes a set $9,500 tuition rate.

The proposal also looks to fix the charter reimbursement rate for special ed. Currently, a charter gets the same high payment rate for all special ed students, whether they need a full-time aid and extensive specialized supports, or they just need a few adaptations in a regular classroom. That has made students with special needs into cash cows in PA. This is extra nuts because PAS actually has a tiered system for rating special needs--it just isn't used when paying charters. The governor's proposal is that charters should be paid an amount in line with the actual costs of educating the students.

The governor also proposes more oversight and accountability for the Education Improvement Tax Credit and Opportunity Scholarship Tax Credit, Pennsylvania's two tax credit scholarship (aka voucher) programs.

Wolf also plans to address Pennsylvania's funding inequities, among the very worst in the nation, with a nearly $2 billion increase in school spending. So charters get less, and public schools get more (including getting to keep more of the public tax dollars they used to have to hand over to charters).

None of this is a hit with the school choice crowd. It's a little nuts, really, because the governor's proposal boils down to "Pay the charters what it actually costs to educate the students instead of paying them what it costs to educate the students PLUS a big fat taxpayer-funded bonus." It's an exceptionally not-very-radical proposal.

But the pushback is already coming, because GOP leaders in the House and Senate are already prepped and ready to join the national push for more choiciness. From the Center Square reporting:

Republican leaders in the House and Senate likewise panned the budget proposal as dead on arrival. Instead, President Pro Tempore Jake Corman, R-Bellefonte, Education Committee Majority Chairman Scott Martin, R-Lancaster, and Sen. John DiSanto, R-New Bloomfield, announced plans for their own school funding bill – the Excellence in Education for All Act.

The forthcoming bill’s priorities include expanding tax credit scholarship programs – of which the governor has sought to limit during his six years in office – and expanding other avenues of school choice, from charters to “education learning pods.”

Watch for well-organized special needs groups to push back on the charter cuts, because those special needs cash cow cuts will really hurt the charter bottom line. The thing to remember is that the "cuts" are just bringing payments in line with costs. Consider Chester Upland as an example.In Chester Upland, the charter schools were found to be receiving $40,000 per student with special needs; yet the court found that exactly none of their students with special needs fell outside of the $0 to $25,000 range for costs. So every special need student meant anywhere from $15,000 to $40,000 in extra income to the school. They might well cry (as some Philly advocates already are doing) that they are having their special ed budget cut in half--but that's because they're currently getting twice as much money as they actually need to do the job. 

This is going to be a budgetary adventure, with two different initiatives--one pro-public school and one anti--- going on against the backdrop of a pandemic in a state where, frankly, the vaccine rollout isn't going so well. Stay tuned.

Friday, February 5, 2021

NH: Full Neo Voucher Assault On Public Ed

You may have heard that there is a bad voucher proposal up in New Hampshire. How bad is it? Pretty bad. I'll give you the history, the long detailed read, and the short story here.

Attempts to gut public education in the granite state are not new. Back in 2017, the GOP made an attempt to push Education Scholarship Accounts (ESAs) through to, as always, dodge that troublesome church-state wall thingy.

How We Got Here

Those neo-vouchers were relatively small, a mere $4,400, but came with the usual idea that the money could be spent on any education-ish thing that parents wanted to spend them on. That bill also included virtually no oversight; taxpayers would have no idea how their tax dollars were being spent. 

That attempt ultimately failed, but it highlighted the forces arrayed against public education in New Hampshire, like the GOP bill sponsor and head of the Senate education committee John Reagan who claimed that the lack of voucher accountability was no big deal because they have no idea how public schools are spending money now, which is a sign of either astonishing mendacity or astonishing incompetence.

Frank Edelblut also made an appearance in that legislative adventure. Edelblut was a businessman, venture capitalist, and one-term NH state representative. He ran for governor in 2016, but got clobbered in the primary by Chris Sununu, son of former NH governor and Bush I White House Chief of Staff arch conservative John Sununu. Edelblut conceded gracefully and threw his support behind Sununu, who then appointed Edelblut to post of Commissioner of Education for the state, where he has agitated in favor of gutting public education ever since. And no, I didn't skip over some sort of education-related credentials in his past--he has none (though he claims to be an expert because he home schooled his kids).

In 2019, Edelblut was arguing for "Learn Everywhere" a variation on micro-credentialing where you can pick up course credits any-old-where, from any-old-one. Schools would not really be necessary, and Edelblut claimed it would promote equity because anyone could take any course anywhere--except that in his initial model families were paying for the course themselves. That would have been a real obstacle to equity, but it's not hard to imagine it as a foot in the door to be followed by "Hey, we could create voucher-style ESAs to help families pay for all their micro-credentials." It was a creative approach in that while most states were working on the financial side of neo-vouchers, Edelblut decided to try setting up the course delivery system first. But that didn't ultimately fly, either.

Late in 2019, the legislature turned down about $46 million from the federal Charter School Program, the grant program that has launched millions of dollars worth of failed charter schools nationally. Edelblut was unhappy, and tried to get them to reconsider. They didn't. 

He told the Union Leader:

Do I look like someone who gives up that easily? We'll be back."

That was early in 2020, and he wasn't kidding. Late in that year, the GOP flipped both the House and Senate in NH, and the opponents of public education cheered, "Game on" and became part of the nationwide push to kick off 2021 trying to further the privatization of education in states all across the country.

The Wonky Details (You can skip to the next header for the short form)

HB 20 is only 14 pages long, but it is one of the most brutal voucher bills in the country. The thirteen sponsors are looking to establish the Richard "Dick" Hinch education freedom account program, after a conservative speaker of the house who died on January 1, 2021 of Covid. If "education freedom account" sounds familiar, that's because it's the same name that Betsy DeVos used when trying to establish a similar program on the national scale

EFAs would be funded by the state, which would simply hand over whatever support would have gone to the public school district serving that the scholarship organization that will handle the dispersal of funds. Whole new growth industry there--they can keep up to 10% of the funds involved for administrative costs. Private and public entities can also kick in "any gifts, grants or donations" they like.

The money could be spent on private school tuition (good luck with that--tuition at Phillips Exeter Academy is about $50K); on-line learning programs; tutoring; services contracted from any school, public or private, such as classes etc; textbooks or instructional materials; computer hardware; internet connection; software; school uniforms; testing fees; summer school; tech school tuition and fees; any kind of therapies; college courses; transportation to and from service provider; and pretty much any other service the scholarship organization okays (if they don't okay it, they have to explain why).

Rebates and refunds go back into the EFA. Parents can supplement the EFA any way they wish, but they can't pay into it. The EFA funds won't be taxed. The money rolls over until the student leaves the program, is axed for shenanigans, or graduates from high school. 

And just in case you don't get the implications of this unbundled approach, the law specifies that nothing in it "shall be construed to require that an EFA student be enrolled, full- or part-time, in either a private school or nonpublic online school. 

One of the striking things about this bill is that there are no apparent limits on who can get an EFA. The usual playbook is to start small, with vouchers offered to students from low-income families, or with disabilities, and then to expand those limits later. But this bill just goes for it--every student in New Hampshire can apply for one of these.

The scholarship organizations get a to-do list. They have to keep parents informed. They have to provide a written form explaining the allowable uses of the funds. They have to come up with a "commercially viable" method for paying vendors (it can't rely on reimbursing parents for out-of-pocket expenses). They have to report annually on how many students, how much money, parent info.

But when it comes to oversight? The scholarship organization has to maintain a list of available vendors, but there's no screening process for getting on that list. They have to maintain some sort of parent rating system. But any parental shenanigans is to be dealt with after the fact and after any evidence is acquired. Vendor misbehavior consist of failing to deliver what it promised or kicking cash back to parents, so things like, say, violating discrimination laws or teaching that the earth is a disc on the back of a turtle--those are okee dokee. All a vendor has to do to be on the list is submit notice that it wants to be on the list, or a parent can ask. The scholarship organization "may approve education service providers on its own initiative," but there are no criteria provided for that decision.

And the scholarship organization may most definitely and specifically not "exclude, discriminate against, or otherwise disadvantage" an education provider because of their religious "character or affiliation, including religiously based or mission-based policies or practices." So the EFAs proposed will funnel state tax dollars directly to religious organizations. 

And while there's little about oversight in the bill, there is a whole section about "Independence of Education Service Providers." Nothing in the law can limit their "independence and autonomy," and they will be given "maximum freedom." Nothing in the law can be construed to "expand the regulatory authority of the state" and taking the state's money cannot make the provider an agent of the state. And no education service provider "shall be required to alter its creed, practices, admission policies or curriculum" in order to get EFA money.

There's a legislative oversight committee, but their job is to make sure the program is running smoothly from a nuts and volts point of view. And there's a whole section about future legal problems. If a provider sues the state for being kicked out, the burden of proof is on the state. If someone tries to point out that the law is unconstitutional, parents can get involved. 

There's also a crazy appendix that throws numbers around for various scenarios to estimate financial impact. My favorite is the one that admits that when a student leaves public schools, that school will lose revenue and experience no savings, but then goes on to assume that over a three year period, the school's finances will just be okay again. 

The Short Form ( for the tl;dr crowd)

The bill makes every student in New Hampshire eligible for a neo-voucher, which can be spent on pretty much anything selected from a list of edu-vendors that will include anyone who wants to be on it. Like other ESAs, it favors unbundling and ending any need for actual schools.

There almost no oversight at all. No regular audit of the program funds. And very specific language hammering home the fact that vendors must have all their freedom. In particular, they can't be disincluded because of religious content or practices, nor required to change those in order to cash in on the program. This is a voucher program explicitly and deliberately aimed at feeding public tax dollars to private religious schools. The Iowa Satanic Temple has been punking the Iowa legislature over similar rules; NH looks ripe for the same.

There are zero protections for students in this bill. Ditto for taxpayers. 

How's It Going?

The hearing about the bill drew about 3,800 people to speak, only 600 of whom wanted to speak in favor. It will continue next Thursday. Edelblut threw out some claims, like how the bill would reduce taxpayer costs and would close the performance gap. There isn't an iota of evidence that either of these things are true. Meanwhile, folks have noticed that the bill gives a green light to any and all discrimination by education providers, as long as they claim religion. Actually, technically it doesn't look like they even have to claim religion. Folks have come from way out of state to speak about the bill. The president of NEA-NH summed it up this way:

Public school funding is open and transparent. Voucher spending is private and shrouded in secrecy. Public schools are owned, operated, and managed by the public. Private voucher scholarship companies are designed to make a profit. There are no laws or limits that prevent parents from choosing to send their children to a private, religious, or home school. Every family is free to make that choice. But that choice should never diminish another child’s education or obligate any other family to help pay for their tuition.

This is a terrible bill, destructive to public education and irresponsible in its use of public funds. It is only "empowering" if you think it would be empowering families to be given "freedom" from the damned FDA always telling them which food is safe to eat. It is the ultimate in the voucher idea that the state can hand parents some money and wash its hands of any responsibility for them. It is really about "empowering" vendors to rake in some of that sweet, sweet public money while operating as they please. It is the vendors, not the families, that get to exercise choice in this system. Here's hoping folks in New Hampshire can squash it flat.

Thursday, February 4, 2021

Pandemic Lesson #1: Trust Matters

There are many lessons to be learned from this mess, including lessons about the usefulness of government. Also, I'm sure, plenty of scientific disease stuff.

But I notice that, particularly in the education arena, we keep coming back to trust. Black and brown families are hesitant to return to school buildings because they aren't sure they can trust the institutions that have failed them so often before. Teachers are reluctant to return to the buildings in those districts where they don't believe they can trust their district to keep them safe and/or follow through with their promises to do so. Critics of teachers unions don't trust (or at least pretend not to) teachers to do their jobs, or to even want to do their jobs. And distance learning, lacking the immediacy of face-to-face gathering in the same room, suffers from students and teachers unsure of just how much they can trust each other.

Where trust is strong, these issues shrink to insignificance. And that provides a major--well, two really--lesson about trust.

Trust is a basic, absolutely essential part of the foundation of a functioning school (any workplace, really--go reread the works of W. Edwards Deming). It has been demonstrated time and time again (here's a source for examples). And yet so many leaders resort to the stick, to management based on fear and distrust. 

I've watched school administrators who approach every discussion with staff worried first and fore most that it might all be about the staff trying to trick him, to get something from him. We've all seen administrators and boards that assumed that teachers couldn't be trusted to even try to do their jobs. We've suffered through years of teacher evaluation policies predicated on the belief that a whole lot of teachers suck and those sucksters must be rooted out. We've suffered through years of education policy built on the assumption that teachers can't be trusted to teach. 

It makes a school run poorly, even filtering down into classrooms where teachers assume that students are always up to something, that if you don't keep them under your thumb, those little creeps will somehow get something from you they don't deserve. And the immediate effect of that is that students no longer trust you, will not believe they can trust you to have their best interests at heart. A classroom without trust is a nasty, stunted, sterile stretch of blasted land where little can grow. 

But the other part of our current pandemic lesson is that trust matters enormously in a moment of crisis. When the ship is listing far over and water is pouring in, it's bad news if you can't trust the people telling you that it's time to had for the lifeboats, and the lifeboats are right this way. 

Schools and students and teachers and entire communities are paying the price right now for the erosion, gutting, destruction, and in some cases full on case-of-tnt-blasting away of trust. The absence of trust turns challenging and difficult times into toxic conflicts, opening the door to bad-faith opportunists who want to egg on conflict for their own purposes. It keeps people from teaming up when they are on the same side. 

And when this is more or less over and the fog clears, we'll find that the schools and districts that were already trust-deficient will be in even worse shape. 

We talk a lot about the shape of schools in a post-pandemic country, talk about pedagogy and making up lost time and restructuring and addressing inequities that have become screamingly more obvious than ever. I think the list of rebuilds has to include trust. Many districts are getting to see how badly the decay and loss of trust interferes with doing the work, and that won't be any less true once covid has faded into the background. Building trust, creating trust, developing ways to nurture and maintain trust--all these should be essential to the plans of every district, because without trust, not only will the district function at sub-optimal levels in the easiest of time, but when the next major crisis hits, they will crash and burn just as they did over the last eleven months.