Down to the wire (or in some cases, past the wire-- my extended family gathered at my folks yesterday for our holiday celebration). But there's still plenty to read from the last week.
The Science of Writing
"Science is not a hammer." Paul Thomas with some thoughts about the teaching of writing and the science that is (or is not) behind it and science's place in the grander scheme.
Whatever Happened to EdTPA? It's Still Here and Still Messed up
A new study suggests that EdTPA shouldn't be used for, well, much of anything. Fred Klonsky, who's been following EdTPA for a while has some thoughts (and some links) about the study and the program.
How Ending Behavior Rewards Helped One School Focus on Student Motivation and Character
KQED makes a visit to Jersey to revisit the question of whether or not t's a good idea to reward students for behaving well. Daniel Pink makes an appearance.
Gary Larson Is Back, Sort Of.
Important news from the New York Times-- The Far Side is getting digitized-- and there night even be new panels.
Demand Pennsylvania Reform Its Charter Laws
Steve Singer reminds Pennsylvanians that there is some legislation just waiting for public comment. A must read for PA residents.
The Lanes That Divide
The Washington Post looks at how the drawing of school district boundaries is still a potent weapon against integration.
American students aren't getting smarter-- and testing is to blame
Testing expert Daniel Koretz is at NBC, explaining that high stakes testing has been a damaging crock. This should inspire you to buy Koretz's book.
Seven Reasons Teachers Trust Each Other More Than...Well, Anyone.
You should be reading Nancy Flanagan regularly, but she is particularly on target this week, talking about how teachers value the judgment of other teachers more than, say, self-professed internet ed experts.
Reporters Faced Resistance At Every Level
Reporters from the Record and NorthJersey.com have done some good work writing about charter schools, but this article shows how one of that reporting came easily. Another reminder that charter transparency and accountability are not really things.
Why Education Reform Is Not Working
The New York Times runs a few responses to its piece about the Core's tenth birthday. They are not complimentary.
The Myth of Charter School Innovation
The notion that charters are laboratories of educational innovation just won't die. nancy Bailey explains why it should.
Sunday, December 22, 2019
Friday, December 20, 2019
OH: Voucher Crisis Looming
When does a voucher program lose support? When it comes for the wealthy white districts.
Ohio has quietly been working to become the Florida of North when it comes to education, with an assortment of school choice programs that are like a cancerous growth gnawing away at the health of the public school system. But now, due to a collection of lawmaker choices, the privatized schools of Ohio have dramatically advanced their bid to consume public education. And somer lawmakers have noticed.
Ohio has followed the basic template for implementing choice-- get your choicey foot in the door with some modest programs that are strictly to "save" poor, underserved students from "failing" schools. Then slowly expand. Only, somehow, somebody screwed up the "slowly" part.
Next year, the number of "failing" districts in Ohio will jump from 500 to 1,200. The voucher bill for many districts will jump by millions of dollars. (If you like a good graphic, here's a tweet that lays it out.) And the list of schools whose residents are eligible for the EdChoice program include districts that are some of the top-rated districts in the state.
It might not matter that top districts are now voucher-eligible-- after all, parents can just say, "Why go to private school when my public school is great?"-- except for one other wrinkle. Next year ends the requirement that voucher students be former public school students. In other words, next year parents who have never, ever sent their children to public schools will still get a few thousand dollars from the state. Districts will lose a truckload of money without losing a single student.
House Speaker Larry Householder has presided over plenty of choice expansion and school privatization (and been praised by Jeb Bush's right-hand lady of privatization, Patty Levesque, for it), but even he sees some problems with the current trajectory, and has declared that something has to be done, toot de suite. Mind you, his phrase is "soften the blow" and not "stop the funneling of public tax dollars to private schools." He has previously proposed an assortment of softening agents, but he seems to have increased his sense of urgency. “We have failed badly as far as our report card system and our testing system in this state,” Householder told reporters in his Columbus office.
Meanwhile, February 1 kicks off the EdChoice application period for next year.
Householder thinks the problem is the school grading system, and that whole thing needs to be tweaked. By a coincidence, a committee report released Monday suggested that Ohio needs to do away with the business of giving A-F letter grades for schools for a variety of reasons, though personally I think "It's dumb and doesn't tell you anything useful about the school being graded" is more than enough. In the annals of accountability ideas, A-F grades for schools is one of the worst; it provides schools with zero actionable data. The only thing it's good for is a blunt instrument to set policies for closing down public schools or chicken littling your way to pro-privatization policies ("Look at all these public schools with a low grade!!"). A-F grades are not about helping schools improve; they're about punishing them, gutting them, and replacing them. Of the policy groups involved in the committee, only two argued in favor of the A-F grades. One is the Ohio Excels, a group of Ohio business folk who have decided that they should get to set education policy in Ohio, because they want to. The other was Fordham Institute, the right-tilted, reform-pushing, charters-in-Ohio-running thinky tank.
Meanwhile, Sen. Teresa Fedor doesn't believe the Ohio GOP is serious about fixing the coming voucherpocalypse, noting that A) they've known this was coming since the budget, complete with various last-min ute sneaky voucher addendums was passed and B) they've been called back to session about a week before the Feb. 1 opening of voucher season.
So we'll have to wait and see. It could still happen; the Ohio legislature is aces when it comes top speedy stealth legislation, and when they really want to get it done, the last minute is thirty more seconds than they need. On the other hand, the only thing that seems to be wrong here from the reformster perspective is that the voucher expansion came too quickly and may potentially alarm too many people to whom legislators might have to actually listen. Again, nothing about this expansion is out of line with a voucher rollout as a matter of substance or policy; the only problem is the speed with which it's barreling into Certain Neighborhoods. Someone cranked up the heat on that pot of frogs a little too swiftly.
Ohio has quietly been working to become the Florida of North when it comes to education, with an assortment of school choice programs that are like a cancerous growth gnawing away at the health of the public school system. But now, due to a collection of lawmaker choices, the privatized schools of Ohio have dramatically advanced their bid to consume public education. And somer lawmakers have noticed.
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| "Hey! I would like to speak to a manager!" |
Next year, the number of "failing" districts in Ohio will jump from 500 to 1,200. The voucher bill for many districts will jump by millions of dollars. (If you like a good graphic, here's a tweet that lays it out.) And the list of schools whose residents are eligible for the EdChoice program include districts that are some of the top-rated districts in the state.
It might not matter that top districts are now voucher-eligible-- after all, parents can just say, "Why go to private school when my public school is great?"-- except for one other wrinkle. Next year ends the requirement that voucher students be former public school students. In other words, next year parents who have never, ever sent their children to public schools will still get a few thousand dollars from the state. Districts will lose a truckload of money without losing a single student.
House Speaker Larry Householder has presided over plenty of choice expansion and school privatization (and been praised by Jeb Bush's right-hand lady of privatization, Patty Levesque, for it), but even he sees some problems with the current trajectory, and has declared that something has to be done, toot de suite. Mind you, his phrase is "soften the blow" and not "stop the funneling of public tax dollars to private schools." He has previously proposed an assortment of softening agents, but he seems to have increased his sense of urgency. “We have failed badly as far as our report card system and our testing system in this state,” Householder told reporters in his Columbus office.
Meanwhile, February 1 kicks off the EdChoice application period for next year.
Householder thinks the problem is the school grading system, and that whole thing needs to be tweaked. By a coincidence, a committee report released Monday suggested that Ohio needs to do away with the business of giving A-F letter grades for schools for a variety of reasons, though personally I think "It's dumb and doesn't tell you anything useful about the school being graded" is more than enough. In the annals of accountability ideas, A-F grades for schools is one of the worst; it provides schools with zero actionable data. The only thing it's good for is a blunt instrument to set policies for closing down public schools or chicken littling your way to pro-privatization policies ("Look at all these public schools with a low grade!!"). A-F grades are not about helping schools improve; they're about punishing them, gutting them, and replacing them. Of the policy groups involved in the committee, only two argued in favor of the A-F grades. One is the Ohio Excels, a group of Ohio business folk who have decided that they should get to set education policy in Ohio, because they want to. The other was Fordham Institute, the right-tilted, reform-pushing, charters-in-Ohio-running thinky tank.
Meanwhile, Sen. Teresa Fedor doesn't believe the Ohio GOP is serious about fixing the coming voucherpocalypse, noting that A) they've known this was coming since the budget, complete with various last-min ute sneaky voucher addendums was passed and B) they've been called back to session about a week before the Feb. 1 opening of voucher season.
So we'll have to wait and see. It could still happen; the Ohio legislature is aces when it comes top speedy stealth legislation, and when they really want to get it done, the last minute is thirty more seconds than they need. On the other hand, the only thing that seems to be wrong here from the reformster perspective is that the voucher expansion came too quickly and may potentially alarm too many people to whom legislators might have to actually listen. Again, nothing about this expansion is out of line with a voucher rollout as a matter of substance or policy; the only problem is the speed with which it's barreling into Certain Neighborhoods. Someone cranked up the heat on that pot of frogs a little too swiftly.
Thursday, December 19, 2019
Would Medicare-For-All Come With An Education Bonus?
This is the least-read thing I've ever written for Forbes, but I still wonder about the issue. So let me put it out there again.
The expansion of Medicare coverage as a path to universal healthcare for the U.S. has unleashed a great deal of debate from think tanks to water coolers. One of the biggest questions remain—how much would it actually cost, and what would the average citizen pay?
The answer to the first question is “a whole lot (but remember--we currently pay a large number of whole lots. The second part-- well, there are many possible plans floating around at the moment. Some argue that the overall cost of healthcare in the U.S. would come down, meaning savings for some folks and fewer profits for others. The government costs would go way up, necessitating increased taxes for everyone. But, argue supporters, the increased tax burden would be offset by the end of deductibles and co-pays; there’s also the hope, under some versions, that employers would save on healthcare costs and some of those savings could be passed on as wage increases. Plus, the extra wrinkle that businesses would no longer be able to use health care as leverage against striking workers.
There is one other wrinkle that seems to draw little or no discussion.
Public school employees, like other citizens, get their healthcare from their employers. But unlike other citizens, public school employees have their healthcare paid for by taxpayers. According to the Kaiser Foundation, the cost of an employer-provided insurance policy has topped $20,000. District-provided insurance has stayed in that neighborhood. That means that in small a school district with just 200 employees, even if the district has been paying $15,000 per employee, Medicare-for-All could potentially provide as much as $3 million savings to local taxpayers. That could be immediately translated into lower real estate taxes, or higher wages or better facilities, or something.
One of the great sticking points for retirement is often how to cover insurance until the retiree is old enough for Medicare; this results in some pricey retirement incentive programs in some districts. Those could go away under Medicare-for-All, providing more savings to school district taxpayers.
There could be additional non-financial benefits as well. Contract negotiations often run aground over benefits, even as increased health insurance costs give teachers “invisible” raises (the school district spends more per teacher, but the teacher never sees it). Taking health insurance off the table could make contract negotiations just a bit easier and clearer.
Heaven only knows what Medicare-for-All (or Mostly-All) could eventually look like, nor what it would look like after it miraculously passed through the House and Senate, But an education bonus could be part of that picture, and with it, maybe even some real estate tax relief. It may not be a major feature of health care policy, but an instant couple of million being freed up is not nothing.
The expansion of Medicare coverage as a path to universal healthcare for the U.S. has unleashed a great deal of debate from think tanks to water coolers. One of the biggest questions remain—how much would it actually cost, and what would the average citizen pay?
The answer to the first question is “a whole lot (but remember--we currently pay a large number of whole lots. The second part-- well, there are many possible plans floating around at the moment. Some argue that the overall cost of healthcare in the U.S. would come down, meaning savings for some folks and fewer profits for others. The government costs would go way up, necessitating increased taxes for everyone. But, argue supporters, the increased tax burden would be offset by the end of deductibles and co-pays; there’s also the hope, under some versions, that employers would save on healthcare costs and some of those savings could be passed on as wage increases. Plus, the extra wrinkle that businesses would no longer be able to use health care as leverage against striking workers.
There is one other wrinkle that seems to draw little or no discussion.
Public school employees, like other citizens, get their healthcare from their employers. But unlike other citizens, public school employees have their healthcare paid for by taxpayers. According to the Kaiser Foundation, the cost of an employer-provided insurance policy has topped $20,000. District-provided insurance has stayed in that neighborhood. That means that in small a school district with just 200 employees, even if the district has been paying $15,000 per employee, Medicare-for-All could potentially provide as much as $3 million savings to local taxpayers. That could be immediately translated into lower real estate taxes, or higher wages or better facilities, or something.
One of the great sticking points for retirement is often how to cover insurance until the retiree is old enough for Medicare; this results in some pricey retirement incentive programs in some districts. Those could go away under Medicare-for-All, providing more savings to school district taxpayers.
There could be additional non-financial benefits as well. Contract negotiations often run aground over benefits, even as increased health insurance costs give teachers “invisible” raises (the school district spends more per teacher, but the teacher never sees it). Taking health insurance off the table could make contract negotiations just a bit easier and clearer.
Heaven only knows what Medicare-for-All (or Mostly-All) could eventually look like, nor what it would look like after it miraculously passed through the House and Senate, But an education bonus could be part of that picture, and with it, maybe even some real estate tax relief. It may not be a major feature of health care policy, but an instant couple of million being freed up is not nothing.
Wednesday, December 18, 2019
Congress To DeVos: "Nope"
The House has passed a budget, and Betsy DeVos's Education Freedom Tax Dodge is not in it.
This is not a big surprise, though both Kellyanne Conway and Donald Trump stepped up in recent weeks to try to help sell it.
EdWeek reports that the deal struck by federal lawmakers has nary a cent for the Education Freedom Scholarships program. The program was "ignored" and there is neither money for administering that "fund a private school and get out of paying your taxes all at the same time" program, nor does it address the $5 billion budgetary hole that the DeVos plan would create. The program, despite all the DeVosian love lavished upon it, has been ghosted.
EdWeek notes a few other education items.
Trump asked for a 10% cut to the department and the elimination of twenty-nine programs. That didn't happen (though it's worth noting that many Trump appointees like DeVos have figured out that you can cut spending in your department by simply letting positions stand empty).
There is more money for Title I. It's about a 3% increase, while Democratic candidates are calling for increases of 200% to 300%.
The Charter Schools Program-- the fund that has wasted a billion dollars on charter school waste and fraud-- will stay art current levels, with neither the boost the GOP wanted nor the cut that Democrats called for.
And special ed funding will once again not be increased to its full, required level. This makes forever years for Congress to stiff the states on the granddaddy of all unfunded mandates. Thanks a lot, Congress.
Notably, for the first time in twenty years, the budget will fund studies of gun violence by the Center for Disease Control and the National Institute of Health. Apparently the DeVos-led school safety commission recommendation that schools need more guns and surveillance didn't settle the issue for everyone. Go figure.
All in all, an encouraging batch of results, and a reminder that one good thing about Betsy DeVos as ed secretary is that she's incapable of getting much done.
This is not a big surprise, though both Kellyanne Conway and Donald Trump stepped up in recent weeks to try to help sell it.
EdWeek notes a few other education items.
Trump asked for a 10% cut to the department and the elimination of twenty-nine programs. That didn't happen (though it's worth noting that many Trump appointees like DeVos have figured out that you can cut spending in your department by simply letting positions stand empty).
There is more money for Title I. It's about a 3% increase, while Democratic candidates are calling for increases of 200% to 300%.
The Charter Schools Program-- the fund that has wasted a billion dollars on charter school waste and fraud-- will stay art current levels, with neither the boost the GOP wanted nor the cut that Democrats called for.
And special ed funding will once again not be increased to its full, required level. This makes forever years for Congress to stiff the states on the granddaddy of all unfunded mandates. Thanks a lot, Congress.
Notably, for the first time in twenty years, the budget will fund studies of gun violence by the Center for Disease Control and the National Institute of Health. Apparently the DeVos-led school safety commission recommendation that schools need more guns and surveillance didn't settle the issue for everyone. Go figure.
All in all, an encouraging batch of results, and a reminder that one good thing about Betsy DeVos as ed secretary is that she's incapable of getting much done.
Word Pedometers: Another Really Dumb Tech Idea
You only have to get one "story at a glance" point into this article to know that this is going to be a freakin' disaster panda, and I have so many wuestions.
New devices can be worn by babies and toddlers to count the number of words they are exposed to each day.
It's a word pedometer, a sensor that you strap onto your child's chest that, well, records all the words tat show up in the area.
They are situated inside a small vest that keeps the tracker positioned on the baby’s chest, not to measure steps or stairs, of course, but to log words, sentences and entire conversations spoken to or overheard by the child.
This is not a new batch of baloney; here are 75 Providence Headstart families being used as a pilot program back in 2014. Because, of course, this is aimed at non-wealthy non-white families, and was mostly about "training parents." The reasoning back then is familiar. According to the program director, "Previous research has shown that the number of words that is heard between ages 0 and 3 is a good predictor for school success." It was backed by the LENA foundation, an outfit that's all about using tech to build early language skills and adult-child talk and pushing the word pedometer. LENA's president came from the aerospace industry, the senior director of research is degreed in linguistics and developmental psychology, and the director of growth strategy has experience taking projects to scale. That pilot was followed by a program called Providence Talks which is still tied to LENA.
This is all about closing the fabled "word gap," the notion that children in poor families hear fewer words. That goes back to a piece of 1995 research that has always been controversial (and has also proven resistant to replication). It's yet another example of confusing correlation with causation. One of my favorite word gap quotes comes from linguist Michael Erard:
Just as solving climate change isn’t about closing the polar bear gap, and preventing environmental degradation isn’t about closing the tree gap, you can’t increase children’s school readiness by closing the word gap.
If you want further examples of why the word gap is not a thing to be basing policy around (and there's agreement on this from many sides of the ed debates), you can look here, here, and here. (For balance, this is a nice, brief, clear debunking debunking.) There's wide agreement that early exposure to language matters a great deal, but the assertion that, somehow, poor folks don't talk to their kids is problematic.
Strapping a microphone to your bahy seems like quite a step to take, and the claims made by the tech seem, well, extreme. Researcher Kenneth Wong (Brown U) says the program is "designed to simply record things like word counts and 'conversational terms,' such as when a new topic is introduced." Anyone who has ever had a fight with Alexa or Siri or a talk-to-text program will have no trouble imagining all the ways this could fail. The article notes that this all sounds creepy, and that could b e because it is creepy.
The word pedometer, like the word gap concept itself, also plays to the absolute worst tendency of technocratic solutions-- it emphasizes reductive measurement that leads easily to focus on exactly the wrong stuff. The article cites one example of a mother who came home and read the real estate ads to her baby, just to get those words in . And the opening example compares word pedometers to fitbits, which is particularly apt, since a fitbit has no idea what kind of step you took--in fact, my old fitbit would give me credit for conducting a pit orchestra, which involved sitting on my butt and periodically waving my arms.
Trying to "fix" babies by exposing them to a bunch of words, as if language were a sort of virus you can catch, is not terribly sound. Giving your baby a microphone-embedded vest to wear (do they say "this conversation may be monitored for quality assurance"?) is just a shiny way to enable a bad approach that also takes the pressure off of things like fixing poverty and jobs and living conditions (all those things that can't be blamed on the poor).
Also, when you're imagining this, don't forget the suggestion is to strap the microphone onto toddlers. I'm pretty sure trying to count the words (as opposed to random noises) coming out of my toddlers as well as tracking their conversational topics would severely tax the limits of any software. This whole business is just a bad idea.
New devices can be worn by babies and toddlers to count the number of words they are exposed to each day.
It's a word pedometer, a sensor that you strap onto your child's chest that, well, records all the words tat show up in the area.
They are situated inside a small vest that keeps the tracker positioned on the baby’s chest, not to measure steps or stairs, of course, but to log words, sentences and entire conversations spoken to or overheard by the child.
This is not a new batch of baloney; here are 75 Providence Headstart families being used as a pilot program back in 2014. Because, of course, this is aimed at non-wealthy non-white families, and was mostly about "training parents." The reasoning back then is familiar. According to the program director, "Previous research has shown that the number of words that is heard between ages 0 and 3 is a good predictor for school success." It was backed by the LENA foundation, an outfit that's all about using tech to build early language skills and adult-child talk and pushing the word pedometer. LENA's president came from the aerospace industry, the senior director of research is degreed in linguistics and developmental psychology, and the director of growth strategy has experience taking projects to scale. That pilot was followed by a program called Providence Talks which is still tied to LENA.
This is all about closing the fabled "word gap," the notion that children in poor families hear fewer words. That goes back to a piece of 1995 research that has always been controversial (and has also proven resistant to replication). It's yet another example of confusing correlation with causation. One of my favorite word gap quotes comes from linguist Michael Erard:
Just as solving climate change isn’t about closing the polar bear gap, and preventing environmental degradation isn’t about closing the tree gap, you can’t increase children’s school readiness by closing the word gap.
If you want further examples of why the word gap is not a thing to be basing policy around (and there's agreement on this from many sides of the ed debates), you can look here, here, and here. (For balance, this is a nice, brief, clear debunking debunking.) There's wide agreement that early exposure to language matters a great deal, but the assertion that, somehow, poor folks don't talk to their kids is problematic.
Strapping a microphone to your bahy seems like quite a step to take, and the claims made by the tech seem, well, extreme. Researcher Kenneth Wong (Brown U) says the program is "designed to simply record things like word counts and 'conversational terms,' such as when a new topic is introduced." Anyone who has ever had a fight with Alexa or Siri or a talk-to-text program will have no trouble imagining all the ways this could fail. The article notes that this all sounds creepy, and that could b e because it is creepy.
The word pedometer, like the word gap concept itself, also plays to the absolute worst tendency of technocratic solutions-- it emphasizes reductive measurement that leads easily to focus on exactly the wrong stuff. The article cites one example of a mother who came home and read the real estate ads to her baby, just to get those words in . And the opening example compares word pedometers to fitbits, which is particularly apt, since a fitbit has no idea what kind of step you took--in fact, my old fitbit would give me credit for conducting a pit orchestra, which involved sitting on my butt and periodically waving my arms.
Trying to "fix" babies by exposing them to a bunch of words, as if language were a sort of virus you can catch, is not terribly sound. Giving your baby a microphone-embedded vest to wear (do they say "this conversation may be monitored for quality assurance"?) is just a shiny way to enable a bad approach that also takes the pressure off of things like fixing poverty and jobs and living conditions (all those things that can't be blamed on the poor).
Also, when you're imagining this, don't forget the suggestion is to strap the microphone onto toddlers. I'm pretty sure trying to count the words (as opposed to random noises) coming out of my toddlers as well as tracking their conversational topics would severely tax the limits of any software. This whole business is just a bad idea.
Monday, December 16, 2019
What Is A Day Of Learning, Anyway?
The measure crops up frequently in discussions of education policies and, sometimes, products. But what the heck does it even mean?
Charter advocates like to point to a CREDO study that shows urban charters giving students an additional 40 days of learning growth in math and 38 in reading (while critics bring up the 2013 CREDO study finding that charter schools provided seven additional days of learning per year in reading and no significant difference in math). Indianapolis, New York City, and other big systems find charter advocates touting additional days of learning.
Meanwhile, one of the widespread criticisms of online schools is a CREDO study which found that cyberschool students lost 72 days of learning in reading and a whopping 180 days in math–that’s a whole year.
Bridge International Academy describes its success in Kenya in terms of added days of learning. Research into the educational effects of variables such as teacher experience is expressed in days of learning. Sales representatives for edu-products will promise additional days of learning.
But what exactly is a day of learning? Classroom teachers know that a Monday is not equal to a Friday or a Wednesday. Surely it’s not the day that students get out early, or the day that is interrupted by an assembly, or the day that the teacher was pulled out for meetings, or the day that the baseball team was dismissed early for an away game. Certainly not the day that everyone in school was reeling and preoccupied because of a local tragedy. A day in September is not the same as a day in April, and certainly not any day in the season that we’re approaching, because from mid-November until the end-of-year break classroom teachers are extra-challenged to get a day out of a day.
So when is it? When does this proto-typical day, this day on which exactly one day’s worth of learning occurs? Where is education’s answer to Lebanon, Kansas (the geographic center of the contiguous U.S.)? Is it a statistical anomaly like the1.9 children being raised by the average U.S. family? Can this measure be broken down more precisely? Can we talk about hours of learning? Minutes? Seconds?
The Learning Policy Institute offers an explanation for days of learning. The short form is that a typical growth on a standardized test score, divided by 180, equals one day of learning. If you want a fancier explanation, LPI looks via CREDO to a 2012 paper by Erik Hanushek, Paul Peterson, and Ludger Woessmann:
To create this benchmark, CREDO adopted the assumption put forth by Hanushek, Peterson, and Woessman (2012) that “[o]n most measures of student performance, student growth is typically about 1 full standard deviation on standardized tests between 4th and 8th grade, or about 25 percent of a standard deviation from one grade to the next.” Therefore, assuming an average school year includes 180 days of schooling, each day of schooling represents approximately 0.0013 standard deviations of student growth.
So in the end, “days of learning” has nothing to do with days or with learning. It’s simply another way to say “this policy or product seems to correlate with an increase or decrease of scores on a standardized test of reading and math.”
Learning can’t be measured in days or minutes or inches or pounds or hectares. Pretending that you can use test scores, assumptions and standard deviations to measure learning the same way you can portion out milk in a measuring cup is not science–it’s rhetorical smoke and mirrors.
If you wonder why classroom teachers are not more engaged with or moved by educational research, here’s one reason–because the euphemisms and constructs of researchers use a frame of reference totally removed from the experience of classroom teachers, designed to hide what they’re really talking about instead of illuminating it. Someone who approaches a classroom teacher and says, “I’ve got a way for you to get more days of learning out of your students,” should not expect to be taken seriously.
Sunday, December 15, 2019
ICYMI: Ed Forum Weekend Edition (12/15)
Yesterday I spent the day in Pittsburgh at the ed forum, then decorating at my in-laws, then banging out a summary. But I still have a few things for you to read from the week. Remember to share!
Common Core: The Rest of the Story
Blogger and ed historian Adam Laats fills in some gaps in the NYT history of everyone's favorite standards.
GRE Fails To Identify Successful PhD Students
Shocked. I am shocked. But the GRE isn't a great predictor of grad school success.
New Filipino Grad Requirement
Well, here's an actual cool idea. Filipino students now need to plant trees in order to graduate.
I Taught At a For-Profit College. They're Predatory Disasters.
From the Guardian, a look inside the world of for-profit higher ed. It is not pretty.
No New Charter Applications In Chicago
If you had any doubts that the charter boom is over, here's a look from Chalkbeat Chicago at a new development-- a year without any charter applications.
An Outright Lie
Remember that Ohio law that says students can't be dinged for getting facts wrong? Turns out that's part of the infamous Project Blitz, as is the legislator who proposed it. The Guardian has the story.
Mayor Pete and Charter Backers
Not from an education site, but Vice. Here's how charter money is bolstering Buttigieg.
Kentucky Ed Commissioner Resigns
Kentucky governor-elect promised to clean house in th education department and replace the old charter-loving crew. He's done it. It's a new day in Kentucky.
DeVos Defends Restricting Debt Relief
Erica Green at NYT with some great coverage of DeVos's latest visit to Congress, and her deep desire not to actually do debt relief.
The $191 Million Settlement with University of Phoenix
Who finally nailed these bunco artists? Not the ed department-- the FCC.
Word Pedometers
From the not-the-onion terrible idea file.
Common Core: The Rest of the Story
Blogger and ed historian Adam Laats fills in some gaps in the NYT history of everyone's favorite standards.
GRE Fails To Identify Successful PhD Students
Shocked. I am shocked. But the GRE isn't a great predictor of grad school success.
New Filipino Grad Requirement
Well, here's an actual cool idea. Filipino students now need to plant trees in order to graduate.
I Taught At a For-Profit College. They're Predatory Disasters.
From the Guardian, a look inside the world of for-profit higher ed. It is not pretty.
No New Charter Applications In Chicago
If you had any doubts that the charter boom is over, here's a look from Chalkbeat Chicago at a new development-- a year without any charter applications.
An Outright Lie
Remember that Ohio law that says students can't be dinged for getting facts wrong? Turns out that's part of the infamous Project Blitz, as is the legislator who proposed it. The Guardian has the story.
Mayor Pete and Charter Backers
Not from an education site, but Vice. Here's how charter money is bolstering Buttigieg.
Kentucky Ed Commissioner Resigns
Kentucky governor-elect promised to clean house in th education department and replace the old charter-loving crew. He's done it. It's a new day in Kentucky.
DeVos Defends Restricting Debt Relief
Erica Green at NYT with some great coverage of DeVos's latest visit to Congress, and her deep desire not to actually do debt relief.
The $191 Million Settlement with University of Phoenix
Who finally nailed these bunco artists? Not the ed department-- the FCC.
Word Pedometers
From the not-the-onion terrible idea file.
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