What Do Microschools Look Like These Days

Microschools are a small but important piece of the privatization argument. And some reporting shows just how unaccountable for educating they are.

A microschool is a simple thing. All you need is a handful of students, probably a computer, and some adult. Doesn't have to be a teacher--the teacher's in the software--but just some "coach" to keep things organized and on track. It's a super-modern iteration of a on e-room schoolhouse. It's a homeschooling co-op. It's also a version of the distance learning that so many people hated during the pandemess, but you won't hear that mentioned often. The Microschools Network website defines it this way:

An intentionally small student population,
An innovative curriculum,
Place-based and experiential learning,
The use of cutting-edge technology, and
An emphasis on mastering or understanding material

Microschools are a big business, particularly if, like industry giant Prenda, you can get an entire state to give you a contract. The Koch-topus loves micro-schools. Reformster Travis Pillow wrote a legitimately strong response to one of my microschool pieces. Betsy DeVos says nice things about them. And Prenda itself got a healthy shot of investment money from a newish Koch-Walton initiative called VELA Education Fund. Headed up by Meredith Olson (a VP at Koch's Stand Together) and Beth Seling (with background in the charter school biz), the board of VELA is rounded out by reps from Stand Together and the Walton Foundation.

Why the microschool love? Because they help plug a big hole in the privatization argument. Are you opposed to taxpayer-funded school vouchers because there are no private schools in your neighborhood that will accept you child (or just none at all)? Never fear, comes the argument-- you can have a microschool! Anybody can have a microschool! So taxpayer-funded school vouchers really do serve everyone, even if it seems as if they actually don't.

But who are they serving, and how well are they serving them?

Nobody is collecting a ton of data about microschools, but in April of 2024, Don Soifer and Ashley Soifer, CEO and Chief Innovation Officer of the National Microschooling Center did a little sector analysis that sheds a little light. They looked at 400 microschools in 41 states. That's a small sample size-- Dan Soifer told The Hill that he figures there are about 95,000 microschools serving 1.5 million children. Still, the report does paint a bit of a picture.

One third of microschool founders are currently licensed educators, one third are formerly licensed educators, and one third are neither. About half are starting their first business. 85% of the schools are serving 5-11 year olds, 66% 12-14 year olds, and 37% older teens. Only 40% of students came from public school; 33% were home schooled, and 14% were from private or charter schools. 

18% were serving 51 or more students, which strains the definition of a microschool considerably. 55% are set up as a center serving home schooled students, and 37% as a licensed non-public school; these designations have a lot to do with state regulations. Only 16% are state accredited. 32% get state school choice funds, with 63% tuition-based funding. Families self-report as 60% above or at the average income for their area.

41% operate in commercial business space, 25% in a church, and 20% in a residence. 

60% use a self-directed approach, and 60% use project based. 52% use Social-Emotional Learning. 27% are religion based. 54% use self-created curriculum, and 50% use online learning tools.

There's a lot of room for less-than-stellar schooling in this model. Like most private schools, microschools generally don't answer to the state for issues of discrimination. There are, as with most taxpayer-funded school voucher programs, plenty of state funding going to people who don't particularly need it. And states like Florida allow microschools to skip health and safety regulations imposed on schools.

The Soifer's report covers many details, but not a central question-- are the students learning anything? Many microschools make a big deal out of the centrality of the computer in the model-- "education for the 21sr Century!"

Microschools were having a big moment last year, but more recently things have been quiet in that sector. The 74 just ran a piece about how microschools can empower education-flavored entrepreneurial spirit, and the Center for American Progress, a left-tilted outfit that generally loves reformy stuff, just put out a piece warning that microschools need some regulation. They aren't wrong; microschools exist in their own little pocket universe where pretty much anyone can teach pretty much anything in pretty much any way they want (your mileage may vary depending on the state). And while the current administration fast tracks the dream of getting government out of schooling and making every child's education a family DIY project, microschools will have support, whether they deserve it or not. 

Is Classroom Management A Skill?

A new study from three actual academics and one TNTP analytics director who's also at Annenberg Institute, looks at what sort of factors influence the early career development for teachers. It's behind a paywall (because academics are sad that teachers in the field don't pay more attention to academic research, but not sad enough to come up with a way to make that research accessible, but that's okay, I'm not bitter or anything), but Sarah Sparks took a look at it for EdWeek.

The study looked at 25,000 novice teachers in Tennessee (which makes me wonder about the definition of "novice," because Tennessee has around 70,000 K-12 teachers total). 

Sparks tells us that the study finds that the major factor that predicts "a new teacher’s effectiveness and likelihood to stay in the classroom is how quickly they learn to manage class, including student behavior." They based this conclusion on principal observation and the less-than-useful VAM scores. 

What I found interesting about the discussion is the notion that classroom management is a "skill" that is part of "foundational teaching skills." Can you learn all about it in a classroom management class?

I'll argue that classroom management skills, like many reading skills and critical thinking skills, is a how and not a what. To work on critical thinking skills, you have to think about something. And to work on classroom management, you have to be managing classroom teaching.

Consider, for example, a teacher who declares that the students in the class must be quiet and orderly before she will start teaching anything. The result is a class period in which nothing happens for the first several minutes. Worse, she ends up in this fruitless dialog:

Teacher: Be quiet. Stop talking. Sit still, and focus your attention on me.

Student: Why? You aren't doing anything except yelling at us.

The teacher in this scenario doesn't really have anywhere to go next except "Because I said so, and your will must be subordinate to mine." Lord knows there are plenty of teachers who take this approach; they are the same ones that talk about needing to break students' spirits so that the teacher can do her job. It assumes that the classroom can't really function--can't become an actual classroom--until students are managed. This is not classroom management, but school-based authoritarianism, student management and subjugation.

Setting aside for the moment any moral or ethical objections to this approach, it just doesn't work very well. It takes a huge amount of energy and effort before you even start the actual teaching. The students that you do bend to your will then become floppy learners who have to be led everywhere, and those that you do not bend to your will become opponents.

None of which is meant to suggest that the teachers should simply take her hands off the wheels and let students to do whatever. A functional classroom needs an adult who is in charge, 

The most basic rule of classroom management is that if you want to demand your students' attention, you must requisition it for some purpose. "Pay attention" requires a target, a thing you want them to pay attention to. 

Also, engagement is not education, but it helps make education possible. Engagement is not a sign of learning, but it is a sign that the classroom management piece is working. Still, it has to be connected to the teaching part to be any use. 

There are several elements here, and it's these elements that can help the newbie.

Know your stuff. Classroom management comes more easily when the teacher clearly knows what she's talking about. That doesn't mean acting like the Unquestionable God Of All Knowledge (which actually projects the opposite), but it does mean being the expert on the content. It also means moving through the lesson like you have a clear purpose and direction.

Embrace your authority. Starting out, it feels uncomfortable top inhabit the role of the Adult In Charge. But that's part of the gig. Even if your goal is a more democratic, egalitarian classroom, you still have to embrace the role of the grownup. You may want to share authority over the class direction and choices, but you cannot share what you do not possess. 

Empathy and consequences. There is an ongoing debate about understanding acting out as communication or as misbehavior that needs to be addressed. It is a dumb argument. Of course acting out is communication, but that does not mean it doesn't have to have consequences. Empathy is important and necessary; so is protecting the safety and learning of all the other students in the classroom. 

Don't stop teaching. This is a hard trick to master, like both watching the road and checking your mirrors the first time you drive. But if you stop class to deal with management issues, you will never be done dealing with management issues. "We're not going to continue until you get quiet" just invites students to say "You've got a deal!" 

Some critical elements are beyond the newbie's control. If the front office is useless as back-up for the classroom teacher, all the classroom management "skills" in the world won't help here. The building administration should be providing support and assistance (and "Have you tried  building a relationship with the student" and "We won't do anything until you've called the parents five times" are neither help nor assistance). New teachers should be actively mentored, and not simply abandoned to figure things out. 

There will be students who are especially resistant to being managed. Think of it this way--every terrible adult in the world was once a student in someone's classroom. Anecdotal evidence suggests that the number of difficult students has increased post-pandemic. 

Add to that an atmosphere of increased hostility to public education, fed by the Trump administration, and you have a stew of factors that a new teacher cannot be expecte3d to navigate without some seasoned mentoring and administrative support.

Could college programs do more? Perhaps, but classroom management cannot be taught or learned in a vacuum any more than making inferences can be taught separate from reading. And like reading skills, classroom management skills will be developed in a very specific context (in this case, the particular students and content). That means that a new teacher doesn't really start to grasp classroom management until she is in a classroom trying to teach. I had many, many student teachers over the years, and only one was a natural--all the rest had to learn as they went. Expecting a newbie to command a class is unrealistic, but preparing them to be experts in their content, to know about dealing with students of that age, and to be mentored and supported as they get started will be far more useful than making them take study classroom management skills. 

OK: Walters Continues To Oppose First Amendment

Ryan Walters wants more money from Oklahoma taxpayers. Specifically, he wants a few million dollars to continue his program of forcing the Bible into Oklahoma classrooms-- another three million to match the three million he got last fall.

His discussion with lawmakers in the state illuminate some of the thinking here.

Rep. Jacob Rosencrans, a Democrat who was formerly a history teacher, asked why the taxpayers should foot the bill for a document readily available for free in digital form.

Responded Walters, "When you're talking about the foundational texts of American history, and frankly Western civilization, they should be physically present in the classroom.” It's not clear what special properties the physical form has, other than Walters wanting students to see that Bible every day. 

Also-- since when is the Bible a foundational text of Western Civilization? You know--the "civilization" that has its roots in ancient Greek and Roman civilization, civilizations that were both before the lifetime of Jesus and also not particularly interested in what the Jewish people had to say. Nor does he seem particularly interested in looking at other roots of the US, like the influence of the Iriquois Confederacy and other native American groups on the formation of the US Constitution. 

Rep, Cynthia Roe, a Republican who is a business owner and nurse, asked Walters if this might be opening "the door for the Quran, opening the door for Wicca, atheists, other religions outside of Christianity."

Walters explains that other religions don't count.

Our nation has a unique history. It is very influenced by Judeo-Christian values. You'll see those references in the standards we're recommending for approval. We do not see the influence from those other religions in the same context.

This is the slightly watered-down version of the Christian Nationalist argument that we are a Christian Nation. It's bunk, but it's bunk you can expect to hear, a suggestion that somehow the authors of the First Amendment who wrote that the government shouldn't endorse any particular religion really meant to say that Christianity (or at least certain select versions of it) are supposed to enjoy a special status above all other religions practiced by citizens.

It's a reminder that when Walters calls the wall between church and state a "radical myth," what he really means by "religion" is "my version of Christianity." He has no interest in freeing Other People's Religions or doing things like recognizing them in K-12 classrooms. 

He wants the government to enforce and support a special status for select religions, which is a terrible idea for everyone, including and especially people of faith, who would soon find themselves having to jockey for official government support for their particular faith. Walters is making the classic mistake of imagining that this power would be good because he has failed to imagine circumstances in which the power could be wielded by people other than himself. 

The framers had experience that allowed them to have much better imaginations than Walters, and they knew better than to pursue the Walters path of establishing a state-favored, state-promoted, state-supported religion. 

But it's key to understanding the christianist wing of MAGA-- as Katherine Stewart explains in The Power Worshippers: Inside the Dangerous Rise of Religious Nationalism:

It [Christian nationalism] asserts that legitimate government rests not on the consent of the governed but adherence to the doctrines of a specific religious, ethnic, and cultural heritage.

So if you wonder why guys like Walters seem to be anti-democracy and even anti-Constitution, it's because they only recognize the legitimacy and authority of decisions that match their own God-given code of what is Right. $3 million for classroom Bibles may seem like piddly stuff these days, but it's one more example of the larger battle that's going on all over the country.

ICYMI: Groundhog Day Edition (2/2)

Years ago, I went to Punxsutawney for a workshop of some sort. Stayed in the historic (aka "old") hotel across the square from the library where, at the time, Phil enjoyed some luxurious quarters in the basement. It's very much a small Pennsylvania town (the movie was shot mostly in Illinois). I also remember Groundhog Day as the day Sam Harrison, my geology professor and the trumpet player in our faculty-student college jazz band, would send out his version of a Christmas card. He passed away last year. Happy Groundhog Day to you, Sam. 

Let's look at the reading for the week.

In Edtech, You Either Bet On Teachers Or You Have To Build One

A very excellent, clear-eyed view of one of the central problems of AI ed tech. Somebody-- or something--has to do the teacher job, which, spoiler alert, is a lot more than saying "Here's some practice for this fact. Learn it." Dan Meyer blogs.

Playing Defense

Jennifer Berkshire blogs about Pete Hegseth's plans for the Department of Defense schools, the most successful schools that we have. But their secret sauce is wokeness, so here comes the hammer.

Be Prepared for MisNAEPery

Sue Kingery Woltanski went to a summit thrown by one of the outfits trying to establish itself as a far right school boards association, and she learned many things about upcoming talking points. Less "woke." More of that old standard "Our schools are failing!"

The president’s education order: Trump wants to indoctrinate, too

Jonathan Zimmerman at The Hill points out the obvious-- indoctrination is okay, even required, if it's for Dear Leader's preferred values.

Trump should stay out of what students learn in school

Checker Finn, honcho emeritus of the Fordham Institution, is plenty conservative, but he's conservative enough to remember that the law says DC can't tell districts what to teach.

Trump’s Education Agenda Is a Big Vulnerability

Jennifer Berkshire in Jacobin, pointing out that if there were a party willing and able to oppose Trump and the GOP, education would be a great issue on which to attack them.

In the Wild West of School Voucher Expansions, States Rely on Untested Companies, With Mixed Results

School voucher programs require an organization to handle all the money, and as Alec MacGillis reports for ProPublica, when it comes to finding a company that really knows what it's doing, the pickings are slim.

FCMAT Attacks Weed Elementary

Thomas Ultican takes a look at California's special fiscal crisis team and shows how it really operates. One more example of how takeover models fail.

The Folly of Settled Science

Nancy Flanagan experiences the inevitable NAEP-related flare up of reading wars. 

And Five Hours Later, I Might Have One Single Lesson Plan…

Eduhonesty with an excellent example of how a lesson plan protocol can result in a terrible process.

Did OK’s controversial education chief introduce PragerU to SC schools?

Did Ryan Walters help the faux educators of Prager get into South Carolina? Steve Nuzum considers the question.

Resisting AI Mania in Schools - Part I

Anne Lutz Fernandez is cataloging the top AI sales pitch points, and providing explanations of how to push back. Part II is here. 

Sal Khan and AI Reimagined Schools: Questions and Concerns

Nancy Bailey looks at Sal Khan's attempt to algorithm his way to educating students.

 
How One Professor Deals with Student GPT-Generated Essays

Larry Cuban shares some very practical techniques from one college professor who deals with student AI use. Applicable in high school, I'd say.

Burn! (as That 70s Show Used to Say)

Gregory Sampson on what parents really care about

DeepIrony

Ben Riley looks at the unveiling of Chinese AI. Some good insights and warnings (and this was even before it turned out that the Chinese model was built on the back of OpenAI'a work-- double irony that every creative whose work was stolen to train OpenAI's product was quick to point out).

The Invisible Hand: How Dark Money Is Inventing Prestige for Right-Wing Academics

From the blog Important Context, a report on an "Academy" that exists just to make right wing bunk look like it has academic cred.

The Baby Bump

Well, now, A working paper from the National Bureau of Economic Research suggests that the baby bust is over (and Covid may be one reason). 

Some Notes About Joy Amid The Tyranny

Jose Luis Vilson just had a birthday, and in reflecting on that, he offers some thoughts about how to move forward through the years ahead.

This week at the Bucks County Beacon, I talked about another report showing Pennsylvania's big cyber school and its creative use of taxpayer dollars.  

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FL: Blaming NAEP

It's been NAEP week, prompting all manner of data spasms among any education policy people who weren't already staggering under the weight of Trump's zone flooding. And Florida has a problem.

As long time readers know (hi, Mom!), I'm not one to get excited about scores on the Big Standardized Test, despite the claims that it will tell us How Schools Are Doing. There are lots of reasons to suspect that America's Gold Standard of Testing is not all the gold standardy. And there is one serious lesson to be learned, which is that having all this cold hard data doesn't actually change a damned thing-- everyone just "interprets" it to support whatever it is they wanted to do anyway. 

And if you want to see that principle really in action, let's head to Florida.

Florida has spent the last decade cranking up the voucher and charter volume, proudly came back fast from the pandemic shutdown of school buildings, boosted classical education, plugged the Science of Reading, and even tried to imitate Dolly Parton. 

They have reaped the lowest reading and math scores in twenty years.

Now it's worth noting that, as Billy Townsend told people repeatedly, Florida's success with NAEP fourth grade test scores was a magic trick whose effect would completely vanish by eighth grade; Florida's students would perform worse as they moved up.

So besides pointing at all the various reforms that Florida has thrown at its students, one might also conclude that this year's scores may have just gotten closer to reality.

But Manny Diaz, Florida's underqualified education chief, has another explanation.

It's the test. You see, they are awesome in Florida, but--

However, upon receipt of Florida’s 2024 National Assessment of Educational Progress scores, it is evident that the Biden Department of Education’s administration of what was the previously gold standard exam has major flaws in methodology and calls into question the validity of the results as they pertain to the educational landscape in 2024.This is why I sent incoming Secretary of Education Linda McMahon a letter outlining concerns and providing solutions so that together, we can make NAEP great again.

See, the problem is that over half a million Florida students are homeschooling or using their taxpayer-funded voucher to attend private school, so NAEP is only testing the students left behind in public school (this, somehow, is Biden's fault). Since 2022, Florida has gone from 165,000 voucher students to 524,000, and leaving them out has hurt the state score.

I'm not sure that Diaz fully grasps that he has argued here, in print, that Florida has made its public school system measurably worse. 

He also argues that the scores are too heavily weighted toward urban, high-poverty, high-minority districts, which, again, serves as a sort of admission that the state hasn't served those districts well. 

NAEP scores are used for a variety of poor purposes-- misNAEPery-- so I sympathize with Diaz. Who knows-- maybe he'll be able to interest McMahon in a little NAEP cookery. On the other hand, private and home schoolers may share some thoughts with him regarding how they feel about being compelled to take the federal Big Standardized Test.

The White House Dreams Of Ending Radical Stuff

So this week brought us the executive order "Ending radical indoctrination in K-12 schooling." We have seen this movie before--twice, even. Which version will it be this time?

The State Version

The executive order is a federal version of the anti-critical race theory parental rights laws we've seen passed in various states, with an extra side of faux patriotism. 

Like those laws, it is vague and ill-defined. There are three possible explanations. 

1) It is vague because the offenses are vague in the minds of the proponents, who just want to wave disapprovingly in the general direction of race and gender stuff that makes them sad,

2) It is vague because saying exactly what they have in mind would be so nakedly racist and hateful that they would face backlash that made them sad.

3) It is vague because by being unclear about where the line is drawn, the proponents can achieve a maximum chilling effect as local authorities fall over themselves trying to comply in advance and in the process take the clampdowns further than the proponents could have dreamed.

Take your pick of any combination of the three.

The third option comes with another process attached. After someone takes it way too far, the folks who created the law can express outrage about the overreach and/or blame it on people trying to make them look bad. We have already seen this one, as the Air Force removed material about Black and female service persons from their training over some DEI content, followed by Defense Secretary Hegseth blowing a gasket and declaring, "Don't do that!" Last year in Florida, Governor Ron DeSantis claimed that it was his opponents that were trying to make him look bad by banning books willy nilly (it was not). 

There are scary things in here. Teachers may not directly or indirectly support or subsidize the social transition of students, which could include something as simple as using the student's chosen name. Heck, when I was a yearbook advisor, we ran the chosen name of seniors, but I guess that would be a no-no.

Of course, all of the various restrictions and rules would need an enforcement arm. That's part of the edict--the Secretaries of Education, Defense, and Health& Human Services are to figure out how to punish schools for violating the edict. I wrote a few months ago that Trump couldn't both eliminate the Ed Department and also use it to force his will on local districts-- it looks like he has made up his mind. Once again, local control comes with an asterisk--you can have it if you agree to do what Dear Leader wants you to do.

But this brings to mind another old movie...

The Federal Version

The federal government decides to use all the levers (and money) at its disposal to force state and local education to teach what it wants them to teach the way it wants them to teach it. 

That would be the opening act of The Saga Of Common Core. That was followed by Act II: Conservative Supporters of Federal Power Grab Are Surprised When Grass Roots Conservatives Lose Their Damn Minds and Turn on the Core. The movie comes to a sort of anti-climax when federal authorities discover that trying to micro-manage classrooms from DC is a lot harder than they thought it would be. 

One new plot twist-- I'm betting that scrutiny over this edict will vary depending on whether the state is red or blue.

After the trailer

Right now, the edict amounts to nothing more than a preview of coming attractions. So much depends on the regime's ability to figure out how to work the levers of power and figuring out ways to track "federal sources and streams" of money all the way down to a local school districts. 

If they're going to do that, then the whole plan of turning Title I and IDEA funds into block grants to the state will have to go out the window as well. So the whole "states know best" thing is dropped. And, as has been usual, parental rights are only for parents who want what Dear Leader and the Heritage Foundation want them to want. 

In the end, this eo really only settles one thing-- would Trump throw his weight behind the Libertarian dream of smaller government, or behind the theocrat's dream of a nation forced to follow their preferred values. In education, it looks like the theocrats win this round. Local control, shmocal control.

America loses. No matter how imperfectly, this eo will drop a chilling blanket over schools and empower some awful people to be extra awful in their local district. In states that already have installed repressive China-style cultural revolutions, the impact will be minimal. But in other states, this, like the bill to implement school vouchers everywhere, means that state rights be damned--they get the policies they never asked for. 

What Is School Choice Week About

It's National School Choice week, as you will have heard from every right-winged organization out there, including Congress and the White House. But why?

As Truthout reporters Alyssa Bowen, Ansev Demirhan, and Lisa Graves, laid out in a recent article about National School Choice Week, this "school privatization PR stunt is a pet project" of some uber-rich folks like the Gleason and Koch families. It's a fine gig; Gleason heir Tracy Gleasons pays herself over half a million bucks in salary just to run the foundation that runs this single week.

Donald Trump supported the week and the school choice shtick in his first go-round, and he's at it again. And if you've ever wondered why, exactly, folks on the far right are so pro-choice when it comes to education, Trump has done you the favor of providing an illuminating context. Because it's that context that explains much of the "why" behind "school choice."

The MAGA/Heritage Foundation vision of government is simple. Government should protect private property (from threats domestic and foreign) and it should support private enterprise and the free market (except when powerful private enterprises demand to be protected from the free market). Government should not be in the business of helping people or trying to make their lives better-- they should take care of that themselves. It very especially should not be in the business of trying to lift people above their proper station in life, particularly people who aren't straight christianist white men. Mind you, they have no objection to those people getting to a better place if they do it the Right Way (by their own bootstraps and following the rules laid out by the people at the top of the ladder).

Much of what the Trump regime is whining about points directly to their guiding principles. When they say that it's okay for immigrants to get to this country as long as they do it the right way, they're also explaining their rules for social mobility and a social safety net. It's okay for Those People to get food and health care and a house and supplemental income when they're thrown out of work--as long as they do it the right way. DEI is, for these folks, just another open border, allowing all sorts of people to get into spaces where they don't belong and have no legitimate right to be. People who are Right should get to make the rules, and people who are Wrong should not get to interfere with those who are Right. 

In that context, is it any wonder that the same people who want to end social safety net programs and slam the door on DEI and stop the government from performing any sorts of functions outside of protecting property and enterprise--is it any wonder that these folks also want to dismantle public education? Since the days of Milton Friedman, it has been a far right dream to get government out of education.

Dismantle the system. Make everyone get their own kids an education, based on what best fits their proper place in society and what they are able to prove they deserve.

Except that people like the system, and "I don't want to pay to educate Those Peoples' Children" is not a winning political message.

So don't call it dismantling. Call it freedom! Yes, your public school is falling down, but here's a voucher that you can use (at any school that will let you use it). If you'd like to send your kid to a really nice, expensive school, well, you shouldn't decide to be poor. 

The Trumpian/Heritage vision of government seems to be a modern riff on feudalism, where the rich and powerful make the rules and clear away the Deep State, which seems best defined as folks who are inclined to follow the rule of law rather than the rule of what I say goes, and where all the lower clases are forced to contribute to the church. A public education system aimed at providing a good education for all students, no matter the background, has no place in a feudal system.

Now granted-- school choice has collected an assortment of supporters, including people who really believe the free market will make schools better and even people who see choice as one tool to make the larger education system better. Plus, of course, opportunists who see a good chance to make a buck as well as christianists who really like the idea of making taxpayers help fund the church (which is what Those People would be doing if they weren't Wrong). But none of those people are driving the school choice bus.

The dismantlers have a whole long list, which we're seeing rolled out via executive order. Public education just happens to be on it, and "school choice" is the fig leaf they place over the dynamite they want to load around the public school's foundation.