As I've mentioned before, we have the poor fortune to live in a golden age of bad writing instruction. There are a variety of reasons for this, ranging from the rise of high-stakes testing to some less-than-wonderful traditions to the widespread discomfort with writing instruction of many classroom teachers.
The last is probably the worst issue facing writing instruction. It's a curious thing; you don't find many band directors who don't play an instrument or many phys ed teachers who aren't involved in some sort of physical activity, but schools are loaded with folks who teach writing, but who never write themselves.
You can spot the different kinds of bad writing instruction by the foundations on which they are built, by the things that are treated as basic building blocks of writing. Here are the false foundations you're likely to find.
Text and a Question
Colemanism in action, this approach to writing starts with the idea that the only writing worth writing is in response to a text in order to answer a particular question that a teacher or test manufacturer has posed.
Look at the Big Standardized Tests of the past two decades and you find a remarkable phenomenon-- the writing test using multiple choice items. That's possible because one of the premises of this bad writing is that there is really only one correct answer. Every excellent answer to the prompt should use the same text evidence organized in the same way to support the same points; all of the best essay answers to the prompt should be essentially indistinguishable.
The other premise here is that the content of writing must be a reaction to someone else's writing. As with most types of bad writing, there is a germ of truth here-- great critical writing or strong explication do indeed start with someone else's writing. But then the author brings his or her own thoughts, ideas, reality and reactions to the piece. In Colemanism, nothing outside the fabled four corners of the text is allowed. Also in Colemanism, there is only one "true" interpretation of what lies within the four corners.
So this type of bad writing is an exercise in mind reading, a task that involves figuring out what the test manufacturer wants you to say and how they want you to say it, and then performing that response. It has words arranged in sentences and paragraphs, and that creates the impression that it is writing, but the fact that it can be translated into multiple choice questions (What is the main idea? Which of these statements can best be used to support the main idea? etc) is a dead giveaway-- this is not actually a writing task at all.
Structural Outline
An approach most commonly enshrined in the five-paragraph essay. You start by knowing how many paragraphs there will be in the essay; in more extreme examples, you also know before you start how many sentences each paragraph will contain. Which is patently nuts, but here we are.
It's not that the five-paragraph essay is useless; I've taught it myself, particularly early in my career when few of my colleagues were teaching writing at all. If your ideas are a formless soup, a bucket to hold them in can be helpful at first. But the five-paragraph essay is like training wheels; they might be-- might be--useful at first, but they go very quickly from being an aid to being a hindrance.
What you get is a more-involved fill-in-the-blank puzzle. The writer tries to answer the question "What can I use to fill in these paragraph-shaped blanks?' No real thinking about the topic is required.
In the very worst of these scenarios, we find state writing assessments that are "scored" by computer software. As has been shown repeatedly, computer software does not care about your ideas. It does not even care if your details are correct. All it can do is break down structure and vocabulary. Companies trying to sell this baloney will sometimes trot out "research" showing that the software gets the same results as human scorers, but the correct statement is that the software will get the same results as humans, if the humans are trained to score the essays just like software would.
But that's the appeal of a structure-based foundation; it gives the evaluator some simple, clear items to look for and "assess."
Sentences and Paragraphs
The previous two approaches may have been given a special boost by the high-stakes testing baloney, but this school is old, and still much-beloved by edu-experts. Folks like Judith Hochman, who declares in interviews and her many writing instruction guides that the foundation of writing is a sentence.
I don't mean to pick on Hochman, who is just a high-profile example (and enabler) of teachers across the country whose idea of writing instruction is first you do a unit on sentences, then move on to paragraphs, then on to full essays (and it should come as no surprise that the essays are often five-paragraph ones).
This is writing for school, not an authentic task, but a performance of writing-like tasks that is comfortable for all parties. But like the structural approach, it pushes students to start with the wrong question-- what can I write to fulfill this assignment. In its most traditional form it focuses on writing that is error-free, and as such is not so focused on what it does do, but on what it avoids. But mistake-avoidance is not a virtue in writing. First, it encourages timid, safe writing (don't attempt anything that might risk including an error). Second, the absence of mistakes is not the same as the presence of quality. A sports team can make zero mistakes and still lose. A musician can perform a piece with zero mistakes and still be excrutiatingly boring.
This can also lead to a performance tug-of-war, in which students try to figure out how small a technical performance they can get away with and teachers set artificial performance limits to thwart them ("This paper must be two pages long, size 12 font, margins exactly one inch, etc")
Does a writer need control of her technical tools? Sure-- but those tools need to be employed in something other than an empty display of tool use.
The Actual Foundation of Real Writing
An idea. Real writing starts with a deceptively simple question-- what do I want to say? In a school setting, it might be "what do I want to say about this topic" ore even "about this text." After that, we move on to "how can I best say that," a question for which there are hundreds of answers. The writer should pick the answer that best suits her.
Not all students will greet this approach warmly. My usual answer to "How long does this have to be" was "Long enough to make your point effectively, and no longer," which students do not find helpful when they're really asking, "What's the least I can get away with here?" Students will deliver versions of "Just tell me what hoop to jump through and how to jump so I can get my grade and move on." Because part of what's appealing and comfortable about the kinds of bad writing that students get used to in school is that thought is not required; in fact, real thinking about the content can get in the way of the performance you're supposed to give.
But think you must. Figure out what you have to say and how you want to explain it (and, maybe, to whom you want to say it, though focus on audience is overrated) and also what may be most important of all, saying it in your own voice. But the thinking is critical. Most of my students' writing problems were really thinking problems-- a failure to figure out what they wanted to say or how the supports fit into the larger picture (plus those parts that didn't belong, or seemed not to belong because the writer didn't show the connections clearly enough).
Does it make life harder for the teacher? Of course it does, because writing and writing instruction are squishy and messy and it is not possible to impose any standardization without having an effect on the process and product. Compromises are necessary for teacher sanity and survival, but make every one mindfully and conscious of the cost.
If you are serious about teaching real writing and not just the test-based or scholastic tradition versions of a performative writing-like activity, then you have to embrace the mess, open your classroom to more student control, and make your peace with whatever corners you have to cut. I've written elsewhere about some of the basic rules for teaching real writing-- hell, I have part of a book about this, but then John Warner wrote a book that says much of what I have to say and I felt redundant. So until I get wind back in my sails and some publisher offers me a juicy deal, read his book.
What's the point of teaching writing for real? Because of the various types of writing being discussed, it's the one that is most useful in the actual world. Writing for tests is good for tests. Writing for school is good for school, and for places that still pattern themselves on what they remember as "good" writing from their school days. And having a good technical command of structure and other tools is useful if you have a career that involves concealing baloney under a verbal smokescreen.
But for everything else, including, especially, bridging the gap between human beings with actual communication, writing for real is what's useful. It's not a performance or a show or a trick to be performed under artificial conditions; it's authentic, actual, real. Writing instruction is yet another area where teachers have to ask themselves whether they want to do what serves the institution or what serves the students.
Friday, January 10, 2020
Wednesday, January 8, 2020
DeVos and Department May Face Increased Fine
Back in October, Secretary of Education Betsy DeVos and her department were fined $100,000 for contempt of court regarding their non-compliance with a court order to stop collecting loans from students bilked by a chain of fraudulent for-profit colleges. Turns out that price tag could get a little steeper.
In October, the department said that, oopsies, they had continued to collect from about 16,000 students and parents. The "oopsy" was a little hard to believe, given that DeVosd has been abundantly clear that she does not believe that defrauded students should have their loans forgiven. If they are making money now, then too bad about the loan. As she told the House Education Committee when they tried to rake her over some coals on this matter:
I understand that some of you here just want to have blanket forgiveness for anyone who raises their hand and files a claim, but that simply is not right.
So maybe the department made a few clerical errors. Or maybe DeVos just decided she would drag her heels as hard as possible against the injunction against collection from May 2018, as witnessed by the loans forgiven by the previous administration which she signed off "with extreme displeasure" and by her attempts rewrite the rules for loan cancellation.
Judge Sallie Kim was pretty cranky when she offered the October ruling (“I’m not sending anyone to jail yet, but it’s good to know I have that ability.” So she was not any happier in December when it turned out that the department had been collecting-- against the injunction-- from not just 16,000 students, but from over 45,000. So, a more-than-double oopsy.
The plaintiffs in the original suit against DeVos and the department made a motion to reconsider the court's sanctions. They can do that because facts have been added that weren't available at the time of the original sanctions; in this case, the fact that the department under-reported their non-compliance with the injunction by about 30,000 indebted former students.
Judge Kim filed her response to that request on Tuesday, January 7. It is short and to the point: because the compliance reports filed by the defendants (aka DeVos and the department) have brought up these new facts that are "directly relevant to the amount of sanctions appropriate to compensate for the Defendant's flagrant and continuing violation of the preliminary injunction," plaintiffs can go ahead and file their motion for partial reconsideration (aka a new amount of fine).
That was due today. DeVos's folks get till next week to respond.
The amount is symbolic, and DeVos could pay it with the change in her sofa at home, but it's still extraordinary to see a United States Magistrate Judge have to publicly and repeatedly take a cabinet secretary to the woodshed. And today is Betsy DeVos's birthday, too. We'll see what sort of present she gets.
In October, the department said that, oopsies, they had continued to collect from about 16,000 students and parents. The "oopsy" was a little hard to believe, given that DeVosd has been abundantly clear that she does not believe that defrauded students should have their loans forgiven. If they are making money now, then too bad about the loan. As she told the House Education Committee when they tried to rake her over some coals on this matter:
I understand that some of you here just want to have blanket forgiveness for anyone who raises their hand and files a claim, but that simply is not right.
So maybe the department made a few clerical errors. Or maybe DeVos just decided she would drag her heels as hard as possible against the injunction against collection from May 2018, as witnessed by the loans forgiven by the previous administration which she signed off "with extreme displeasure" and by her attempts rewrite the rules for loan cancellation.
Judge Sallie Kim was pretty cranky when she offered the October ruling (“I’m not sending anyone to jail yet, but it’s good to know I have that ability.” So she was not any happier in December when it turned out that the department had been collecting-- against the injunction-- from not just 16,000 students, but from over 45,000. So, a more-than-double oopsy.
The plaintiffs in the original suit against DeVos and the department made a motion to reconsider the court's sanctions. They can do that because facts have been added that weren't available at the time of the original sanctions; in this case, the fact that the department under-reported their non-compliance with the injunction by about 30,000 indebted former students.
Judge Kim filed her response to that request on Tuesday, January 7. It is short and to the point: because the compliance reports filed by the defendants (aka DeVos and the department) have brought up these new facts that are "directly relevant to the amount of sanctions appropriate to compensate for the Defendant's flagrant and continuing violation of the preliminary injunction," plaintiffs can go ahead and file their motion for partial reconsideration (aka a new amount of fine).
That was due today. DeVos's folks get till next week to respond.
The amount is symbolic, and DeVos could pay it with the change in her sofa at home, but it's still extraordinary to see a United States Magistrate Judge have to publicly and repeatedly take a cabinet secretary to the woodshed. And today is Betsy DeVos's birthday, too. We'll see what sort of present she gets.
Tuesday, January 7, 2020
How Tech Killed Tractors, And Why Teachers Should Care
If you don't spend a lot of time around farms and farmers, you might have missed this story, which just made its way into legit journalistic coverage via the Star Tribune of Minnesota-- there is an exploding market for forty-year-old tractors.
Adam Belz reports on auction bidding wars over old tractors. Is it because of tractor nostalgia? Nope-- and if you think about your car or music system or the device with which you're reading this post, you already know the answer. Those earlier tractors were well-built and have lots of hours in them, but tyere's one other factor:
The other big draw of the older tractors is their lack of complex technology. Farmers prefer to fix what they can on the spot, or take it to their mechanic and not have to spend tens of thousands of dollars.
“The newer machines, any time something breaks, you’ve got to have a computer to fix it,” Stock said.
The tractors are loaded with shiny new tech. As Jason Bloomberg put it at Forbes, "John Deere is but one of thousands of enterprises undergoing digital transformation as it becomes a software company that runs its technology on tractors, rather than the other way around."
Farmers have steadily lost the right to repair, meaning that a tractor breakdown can result in a lomng wait for your turn to get a costly repair. It's not just the cost and the downtime that suck; as pointed out by Greg Peterson, the founder of Machinery Pete, "That goes against the pride of ownership, plus your lifetime of skills you’ve built up being able to fix things."
John Deere has become a major cutting edge pain in the butt on this topic:
In a particularly spectacular display of corporate delusion, John Deere—the world's largest agricultural machinery maker —told the Copyright Office that farmers don’t own their tractors. Because computer code snakes through the DNA of modern tractors, farmers receive “an implied license for the life of the vehicle to operate the vehicle.”
There's a whole Right To Repair movement in the agriculture world, but they are swimming upstream, and as quickly as it wins lawmaking victories, corporations like John Deere claw them back.
This is the tech world. Remember, you don't own the music on your ipod or the books in your kindle. Your Windows machine keeps reminding you that Windows is a "service," implicitly pointing out that you didn't buy a product you now own, but are simply licensing-- renting-- access to what they allow. Apple spends a ton of time in court arguing that no third parties should be allowed to horn in on their lucrative repair business.
The implications for ed tech are large and often overlooked. But when your school gos to a digital textbook, they don't buy copies-- they buy licenses. They subscribe to software. Those lucrative Big Standardized Tests (and their cousins, the Big Standardized Practice Tests) are licensed, not purchased. And God forbid that you should ever make an illegal copy of anything.
A few decades ago, I taught from an exceptionally good literature series from MacMillan. The company was purchased, the text was discontinued, we bought a new series-- all the usual stuff. But until the day I retired, I had an old weathered class set of those books in my cupboard (and my successor still does) that I could pull out at any time. Because those were tools that the school bought and subsequently owned.
As ed tech moves further into schools, schools actually own less and less of their own instructional materials. If all the ed tech companies were to go belly up tomorrow, some schools would suddenly find themselves without a large portion of their instructional tools.
And, of course, like farmers with a glitchy John Deere tractor, teachers who hit a snag with a piece of ed tech just have to wait till the company can send someone to fix it.
Tech takes control away from the people who actually do the work. Your building may have many people who know how to, say, load toner into the copier. And there are probably many people who could, if given access and permission, deal with some computer tech problems. If.
Tech makes many swell things possible, but it also extracts a price, from the car you can no longer fix yourself to the media that you can only have access to as long as you keep up payments. It would be wise for schools to give attention to the extra costs they pay for new ed tech products.
Adam Belz reports on auction bidding wars over old tractors. Is it because of tractor nostalgia? Nope-- and if you think about your car or music system or the device with which you're reading this post, you already know the answer. Those earlier tractors were well-built and have lots of hours in them, but tyere's one other factor:
The other big draw of the older tractors is their lack of complex technology. Farmers prefer to fix what they can on the spot, or take it to their mechanic and not have to spend tens of thousands of dollars.
“The newer machines, any time something breaks, you’ve got to have a computer to fix it,” Stock said.
The tractors are loaded with shiny new tech. As Jason Bloomberg put it at Forbes, "John Deere is but one of thousands of enterprises undergoing digital transformation as it becomes a software company that runs its technology on tractors, rather than the other way around."
Farmers have steadily lost the right to repair, meaning that a tractor breakdown can result in a lomng wait for your turn to get a costly repair. It's not just the cost and the downtime that suck; as pointed out by Greg Peterson, the founder of Machinery Pete, "That goes against the pride of ownership, plus your lifetime of skills you’ve built up being able to fix things."
John Deere has become a major cutting edge pain in the butt on this topic:
In a particularly spectacular display of corporate delusion, John Deere—the world's largest agricultural machinery maker —told the Copyright Office that farmers don’t own their tractors. Because computer code snakes through the DNA of modern tractors, farmers receive “an implied license for the life of the vehicle to operate the vehicle.”
There's a whole Right To Repair movement in the agriculture world, but they are swimming upstream, and as quickly as it wins lawmaking victories, corporations like John Deere claw them back.
This is the tech world. Remember, you don't own the music on your ipod or the books in your kindle. Your Windows machine keeps reminding you that Windows is a "service," implicitly pointing out that you didn't buy a product you now own, but are simply licensing-- renting-- access to what they allow. Apple spends a ton of time in court arguing that no third parties should be allowed to horn in on their lucrative repair business.
The implications for ed tech are large and often overlooked. But when your school gos to a digital textbook, they don't buy copies-- they buy licenses. They subscribe to software. Those lucrative Big Standardized Tests (and their cousins, the Big Standardized Practice Tests) are licensed, not purchased. And God forbid that you should ever make an illegal copy of anything.
A few decades ago, I taught from an exceptionally good literature series from MacMillan. The company was purchased, the text was discontinued, we bought a new series-- all the usual stuff. But until the day I retired, I had an old weathered class set of those books in my cupboard (and my successor still does) that I could pull out at any time. Because those were tools that the school bought and subsequently owned.
As ed tech moves further into schools, schools actually own less and less of their own instructional materials. If all the ed tech companies were to go belly up tomorrow, some schools would suddenly find themselves without a large portion of their instructional tools.
And, of course, like farmers with a glitchy John Deere tractor, teachers who hit a snag with a piece of ed tech just have to wait till the company can send someone to fix it.
Tech takes control away from the people who actually do the work. Your building may have many people who know how to, say, load toner into the copier. And there are probably many people who could, if given access and permission, deal with some computer tech problems. If.
Tech makes many swell things possible, but it also extracts a price, from the car you can no longer fix yourself to the media that you can only have access to as long as you keep up payments. It would be wise for schools to give attention to the extra costs they pay for new ed tech products.
Monday, January 6, 2020
NC: Whitewashing The Charter Report
North Carolin's 2020 Annual Charter Schools Report has caused some consternation among members of the state's Charter Schools Advisory Board (CSAB). They've seen the first draft and requested a rewrite, because, well, members of the public might become confused by the information that suggests Bad Things about North Carolina's charter industry.
This is not the first time the issue has come up. Back in 2016 the Lt. Governor called the report "too negative" and pushed to have it made "more fair." The report was not substantially changed-- just more data added. But in 2016 it still showed that North Carolina's charter schools mostly serve whiter, wealthier student bodies. This prompted a remarkable explanation:
Darrell Allison, president of Parents for Educational Freedom in North Carolina, said that fact is simply a reflection of which families are applying to charters.
Well, yes. Education reform in North Carolina has been about crushing the teachers' unions and teachers themselves, while also being aimed at enabling white flight and accelerating segregation. One might be inclined to deduce that they hope to set up a spiffy private system for whiter, wealthier folks (including a corporate reserve-your-own-seats policy) along with vouchers, while simultaneously cutting the public system to the bone so that wealthy taxpayers don't have to spend so much educating Those People's Children. North Carolina has done plenty to earn a spot in the education policy hall of shame, enabled by some of the worst gerrymandering in the country.
But while NC legislators don't seem to experience much shame over what they do, they sometimes worry about how they look (remember the great bathroom bill boycott of 2017). So now the charter report is going to be carefully whitewashed.
For instance, the report included a section about the racial impact of charter schools. But amid concerns that it might contain “misleading” wording that could be “blown out of proportion,” that section will apparently be removed. Regarding the report, " I think it doesn’t actually represent what I believe to be true," said Alex Quigley, chairman of the CSAB. "And given the choice between facts and the stuff I choose to believe, well, my beliefs and our charter marketing should come first." Okay, I made up the last part, but that first part he totally said.
What data said is that 75% of charter schools have a white student enrollment that is more than 10% "off" from the surrounding district. Well over 50% of charters were off by more than 10% on black enrollment numbers. State law says that charters have to "reasonably reflect" the makeup of the district's where they are located.
Kris Nordstrom, education finance and policy consultant for the N.C. Justice Center’s Education and Law Project. was author of a 2018 report that found North Carolina resegregating. He puts it this way: “The questions they’re debating are mostly questions of math. Are charter s contributing to segregation? That’s a math question. The answer is yes.”
But the segregation issue is not the only part of the charter report that makes-- well, would have made-- charter advocates sad. Joe Maimone is a non-voting CSAB member and the state superintendent's chief of staff, and he has concerns:
"The big one im concerned about is the A, B, C, D, F breakdown by percentage of economically disadvantaged [students]," Maimone said. "I think that’s a very misleading chart and is going to get blown way out of proportion if we don’t either remove it or give some greater detail on it."
Here's the misleading chart in question:
Yes, that set of data might mislead one into thinking there was a direct connection between a school's grade and the number of poor students that school served, if by "mislead" you mean "cause one to conclude through use of your eyeballs and the basic sense God gave you." You might be mislead into thinking that charter success is based strictly on what sorts of students the charter enrolls, and not any special chartery magic. I should also point out that the data could mislead one to thinking that standardized test scores are a lousy way to evaluate schools of any sort.
CSAB members also requested more positive charter stories in the report, like noting that half of charters open one to five years provide bus transportation. I did not make that part up. At some point the final version of the report will come out. One can only hope that it will make charter advocates happy and not muddy the water with confusing facts.
This is not the first time the issue has come up. Back in 2016 the Lt. Governor called the report "too negative" and pushed to have it made "more fair." The report was not substantially changed-- just more data added. But in 2016 it still showed that North Carolina's charter schools mostly serve whiter, wealthier student bodies. This prompted a remarkable explanation:
Darrell Allison, president of Parents for Educational Freedom in North Carolina, said that fact is simply a reflection of which families are applying to charters.
Well, yes. Education reform in North Carolina has been about crushing the teachers' unions and teachers themselves, while also being aimed at enabling white flight and accelerating segregation. One might be inclined to deduce that they hope to set up a spiffy private system for whiter, wealthier folks (including a corporate reserve-your-own-seats policy) along with vouchers, while simultaneously cutting the public system to the bone so that wealthy taxpayers don't have to spend so much educating Those People's Children. North Carolina has done plenty to earn a spot in the education policy hall of shame, enabled by some of the worst gerrymandering in the country.
But while NC legislators don't seem to experience much shame over what they do, they sometimes worry about how they look (remember the great bathroom bill boycott of 2017). So now the charter report is going to be carefully whitewashed.
For instance, the report included a section about the racial impact of charter schools. But amid concerns that it might contain “misleading” wording that could be “blown out of proportion,” that section will apparently be removed. Regarding the report, " I think it doesn’t actually represent what I believe to be true," said Alex Quigley, chairman of the CSAB. "And given the choice between facts and the stuff I choose to believe, well, my beliefs and our charter marketing should come first." Okay, I made up the last part, but that first part he totally said.
What data said is that 75% of charter schools have a white student enrollment that is more than 10% "off" from the surrounding district. Well over 50% of charters were off by more than 10% on black enrollment numbers. State law says that charters have to "reasonably reflect" the makeup of the district's where they are located.
Kris Nordstrom, education finance and policy consultant for the N.C. Justice Center’s Education and Law Project. was author of a 2018 report that found North Carolina resegregating. He puts it this way: “The questions they’re debating are mostly questions of math. Are charter s contributing to segregation? That’s a math question. The answer is yes.”
But the segregation issue is not the only part of the charter report that makes-- well, would have made-- charter advocates sad. Joe Maimone is a non-voting CSAB member and the state superintendent's chief of staff, and he has concerns:
"The big one im concerned about is the A, B, C, D, F breakdown by percentage of economically disadvantaged [students]," Maimone said. "I think that’s a very misleading chart and is going to get blown way out of proportion if we don’t either remove it or give some greater detail on it."
Here's the misleading chart in question:
Yes, that set of data might mislead one into thinking there was a direct connection between a school's grade and the number of poor students that school served, if by "mislead" you mean "cause one to conclude through use of your eyeballs and the basic sense God gave you." You might be mislead into thinking that charter success is based strictly on what sorts of students the charter enrolls, and not any special chartery magic. I should also point out that the data could mislead one to thinking that standardized test scores are a lousy way to evaluate schools of any sort.
CSAB members also requested more positive charter stories in the report, like noting that half of charters open one to five years provide bus transportation. I did not make that part up. At some point the final version of the report will come out. One can only hope that it will make charter advocates happy and not muddy the water with confusing facts.
Sunday, January 5, 2020
ICYMI: Off To A Great New Year's Start Edition (1/5)
Marking the new year always strikes me as a bit odd-- we draw an arbitrary line in the chronological sand, then get all excited about examining it. Humans are fun.
In the meantime, this week's list is loaded with some exceptionally good readings. Remember to share the ons that speak to you. Amplifying voices is what the interwebz are all about.
The Surprising Source of the NPE Data
The pushback against NPE's report on charter waste and fraud has been considerable, but here Carol Burris provides a measured and detailed response. And guess where some of the data in question comes from...
The Dangers of Disinformation
Last Sunday I failed to do due diligence on one of the posts and recommended something from an untrustworthy source (the post is no longer on the list). The up side is that it prompted this thoughtful post from Dad Gone Wild.
The Democrats' School Choice Problem
Jennifer Berkshire breaks it down for the Nation in a thoughtful take that spins off the Pittsburgh education forum. It's a good look at some of the political dynamics involved.
The 100 Worst Ed-Tech Debacles of the Decade
This Audrey Watters post is the bomb, and if you somehow haven't read it yet, then stop procrastinating. It's a horrifying stroll down memory lane.
Teachers "Never Broke The Law"
Remember when Matt "Sore Loser" Bevin tried to throw some laws at teachers who walked out? It's one more bad policy that his successor has reversed.
Closing the Minority Teacher Gap
Bill Tucker at the St. Louis Post Dispatch takes another look at this continued problem. There's lots of good stuff here, including this sentence: "Teachers are known for working for less pay and respect, but that is a big ask for a minority student, whose family has been underpaid and not respected." There's also another look at the issue in the Washington Post this week.
Novelist Cormac McCarthy paper writing tips
McCarthy has been helping faculty and students at Santa Fe Institute with editing. Who knew? Here's a distillation of some of his writing advice.
School Grade Cards Gotta Go
The editorial board of the Toledo Blade argues for an end to Ohio's letter grade policy for schools.
Why the Charter School Proposals by Bernie Sanders and Elizabeth Warren Shouldn’t Be Controversial
Gotham Gazette has this piece from a former charter teacher and a former charter parent (the parent involved in an infamous Success Academy discipline scandal). Clear and compelling.
Lies, Lies, and More Lies
In the Troy Daily News, a former Ohio superintendent has some blistering words for Ohio's ed reform. He may be late to the party, but he is not holding back a bit.
Economists Ate My School
Steven Singer looks at the damage done by imagining that teaching is simply one more transaction .
The Greatest Ed Tech Goof of All Time
Ed historian Adam Laats takes us back to an early example of terrible tech ideas for education, showing once again that hardly any modern innovations are actually innovations.
Montessori schools embrace kid-tracking devices
What would make Montessori schools even better? How about constant student surveillance. This is your hate read for the week.
In the meantime, this week's list is loaded with some exceptionally good readings. Remember to share the ons that speak to you. Amplifying voices is what the interwebz are all about.
The Surprising Source of the NPE Data
The pushback against NPE's report on charter waste and fraud has been considerable, but here Carol Burris provides a measured and detailed response. And guess where some of the data in question comes from...
The Dangers of Disinformation
Last Sunday I failed to do due diligence on one of the posts and recommended something from an untrustworthy source (the post is no longer on the list). The up side is that it prompted this thoughtful post from Dad Gone Wild.
The Democrats' School Choice Problem
Jennifer Berkshire breaks it down for the Nation in a thoughtful take that spins off the Pittsburgh education forum. It's a good look at some of the political dynamics involved.
The 100 Worst Ed-Tech Debacles of the Decade
This Audrey Watters post is the bomb, and if you somehow haven't read it yet, then stop procrastinating. It's a horrifying stroll down memory lane.
Teachers "Never Broke The Law"
Remember when Matt "Sore Loser" Bevin tried to throw some laws at teachers who walked out? It's one more bad policy that his successor has reversed.
Closing the Minority Teacher Gap
Bill Tucker at the St. Louis Post Dispatch takes another look at this continued problem. There's lots of good stuff here, including this sentence: "Teachers are known for working for less pay and respect, but that is a big ask for a minority student, whose family has been underpaid and not respected." There's also another look at the issue in the Washington Post this week.
Novelist Cormac McCarthy paper writing tips
McCarthy has been helping faculty and students at Santa Fe Institute with editing. Who knew? Here's a distillation of some of his writing advice.
School Grade Cards Gotta Go
The editorial board of the Toledo Blade argues for an end to Ohio's letter grade policy for schools.
Why the Charter School Proposals by Bernie Sanders and Elizabeth Warren Shouldn’t Be Controversial
Gotham Gazette has this piece from a former charter teacher and a former charter parent (the parent involved in an infamous Success Academy discipline scandal). Clear and compelling.
Lies, Lies, and More Lies
In the Troy Daily News, a former Ohio superintendent has some blistering words for Ohio's ed reform. He may be late to the party, but he is not holding back a bit.
Economists Ate My School
Steven Singer looks at the damage done by imagining that teaching is simply one more transaction .
The Greatest Ed Tech Goof of All Time
Ed historian Adam Laats takes us back to an early example of terrible tech ideas for education, showing once again that hardly any modern innovations are actually innovations.
Montessori schools embrace kid-tracking devices
What would make Montessori schools even better? How about constant student surveillance. This is your hate read for the week.
Friday, January 3, 2020
The Ed Reform Glossary You Need
If that Amazon gift certificate is burning a hole in your pocket, I have a few suggestions. Let's start with this one.
In 2006, education historian Diane Ravitch published EdSpeak, a glossary of education policy jargon to help those folks who found it all, well, jargonny. But the education world has shifted around just a tad since 2006, and it is time for a brand new version of the critical guide to education policy jargon. To help manage the large project, Ravitch brought in a collaborator, Nancy Bailey, which is good news for all of us, because Bailey is a writer with serious chops (to see how well she fits this project, check out "Vocabulary Used To Sell Technology To Teachers and Parents").
This resulting book, Edspeak and Doubletalk: A Glossary to Decipher Hypocrisy and Save Public Schooling, is exceptionally useful as a quick-reference resource. If you are a regular reader of this or other education blogs, you know that there is a forest of acronyms, a Grand Canyon's worth of program names and purposes, and enough different edu-focused organizations to pave a road to the moon and back. This book makes for a quick and easy reference for it all, and more. Chapters are organized by general topic, such as Charter Schools and Choice, English Language Learners, Technology, and Separation of Church and State. There are guides to the various players, both in the chapter on Groups Fighting Corporate "Reform" and School Reform Groups and Terms, or "Money Talks."
The book comes with an on-line supplement--an e-book-- and the promise of online updates to come. It's enlightening to browse the book-- I've already encountered many terms and programs and policies that I had never heard of before (Paideia Program, anyone?)-- but I've also already used it as a substitute for my usual research assistant (Dr. Google) to look up a couple of terms and organizations.
Explanations are short, clear, and to the point, which is half the battle, since eduspeak relies on a cloud of smoke and fuzz to obscure what's really going on. Well, Bailey and Ravitch know what's really going on in debates that have become "highly politicized." This book will be useful to the general reader, but I'd recommend it for every teacher. Keep a copy in your desk drawer and every time a communique comes across your desk that makes you think, "What the heck is this? Who are these people anyway, and what the heck are they talking about?" just pull out your copy and start translating.
Order a copy today, and treat yourself to a better-than-Cliff's-notes guide to education policy. It'll help pass the time before Ravitch's next book comes out in just a couple of weeks.
Michelle Rhee Has Been Robbed
As the various lists of faces, names, moments that defined the education policy debates of the last decade have been tallied up, one name has been, I think, unfairly overlooked-- Michelle Rhee. No, really, bear with me.
The very fact that I don't really need to review her story makes part of my point. Rhee was the previous decade's best-known public face of education reform, culminating in that infamous Time cover of her holding a broom. Rhee was the quintessential reformster, a Teach for America product who had put in her time (including the apparently-hilarious incident in which she duct-taped student mouths shut). After her TFA stint, she started The New Teacher Project, a group that brought the TFA philosophy to older folks who had already had a job or two; TNTP morphed into another reformy thinky tank kibbitzing on topics from teacher evaluation to professional development. They made up something called the opportunity myth, but their big hit has been a position argument called "The Widget Effect" which argued that teachers should be paid, promoted, and fired based on student test scores.
This, somehow, led to a job in 2007 as the Chancellor of DC Public Schools, Rhee's big breakout role win which she beat the crap out of teachers and administrators alike. Her triumphs were celebrated, her improvements touted as proof of concept for hard-hitting accountability and firing your way to excellence. Except that it turned out that most of her DC miracle was not so much miracle as good old-fashioned fudging and cheating.
And it came with big costs. George Parker, president of the Washington Teachers Union, said no other superintendent had wrecked morale more than Rhee. Interviewed by Marc Fisher in 2009 for the Washington Post, Parker pointed to some other issues as well:
Parker spells out what many older, black teachers told me right after demanding that I not publish their names: "I suppose it's not simply racial -- it could be culture. The chancellor said to me, 'Why do people feel they need [tenure] protection if they're doing their jobs?' And I said, 'A lot of our veteran teachers know better.' As African American teachers, they learned coming up that it didn't matter how good you were: Because you were black, you weren't treated fairly. That is the African American experience. And there could be a lack of understanding of the culture of the workforce."
Mayor Adrian Fenty tied his own political future to Rhee's school leadership, and in the 2010 election, the voters said "No, thank you." Rhee was out of a job, but in a true edu-celebrity move, took to Oprah to announce her next move: the launching of StudentsFirst. And not just a launch, but an audacious goal-- 1 million members would raise $1 billion dollars.
That was 2010, the dawn of the decade.
Rhee entered the decade as the quintessential reformster. She possessed no actual qualifications for the jobs she took on, had never even run a school, let alone a major urban district., She championed every reformy idea beloved at the time, from charters to test-based accountability to gutting teacher job protections and, as was the common back then, the notion that the real problem with schools was all the shitty teachers protected by their shitty unions.
Like many of the big names in education disruption in the oughts, Rhee skated on sheer chutzpah. There was no good reason for her to believe that she knew what the heck she was doing, but she was by-God certain that her outsider "expertise" was right and that all she needed to create success was the unbridled freedom to exert her will.
And in 2010, it was working. The media loved her and, more significantly, treated her like a go-to authority on all educational issues. They fell all over themselves to grab the privilege of printing the next glowing description of the empress's newest clothes. She was more than once packaged as the pro-reform counterpart of Diane Ravitch (though one thing that Rhee carefully and consistently avoided was any sort of head to head debate with actual education experts).
For the first part of the decade, it kept working. Students First became a powerhouse lobbying group, pushing hard for the end of teacher job protections. She was in 2011's reform agitprop film Waiting for Superman. LinkedIN dubbed her an expert influencer. She spoke out in favor of Common Core and related testing. A breathless and loving bio was published about her in 2011; in 2013 she published a book of her own. She had successfully parleyed her DC job into a national platform.
2014 seemed like peak Rhee. I actually decided to stop mentioning her by name; I felt guilty about increasing her already-prodigious footprint. She seemed unstoppable, and yet by 2014 we knew that the TFA miracle classrooms, the DC miracle, the TNTP boondoggle, the StudentsFirst failures (far short of 1 million or $1 billion). Rhee was the Kim Kardashian of ed reform, the popular spokesmodel who did not have one actual success to her name. She was increasingly dogged by her controversies.
And then, in the fall of 2014, Michelle Rhee simply evaporated from the ed scene. She left Students First (which itself shortly thereafter faded into the 50CAN network of education disruptor advocacy). She joined the board of Miracle-Gro (a decision that was itself not without controversy). She married NBA star Kevin Johnson and settled in Sacremento into the board of St. HOPE charter school (a position she still apparently holds). Her Twitter feed showed to her crawl, and her LinkedIN profile hasn't been updated to show she left Students First. She popped up again when Donald Trump was elected, but nothing came of that. Meanwhile, her husband's fortunes have slumped a bit (Deadspin in particular has been relentless in pushing Johnson controversies).
Rhee started the decade as a major player; she finishes as someone who's barely in the game. At her peak, she exemplified a particular type of education disruptor, as captured by this quick portrait from a Nicholas Lemann review of her autobiography:
But as soon as she becomes head of an organization, and a voice in public debates, and (perhaps most importantly) a regular fund-raiser among the very rich and their foundations, Rhee’s story begins to change into one in which everything wrong with public education is attributable to the malign influence of the teachers’ unions. Rhee is a major self-dramatizer. As naturally appealing to her as is the idea that more order, structure, discipline, and competition is the answer to all problems, even more appealing is the picture of herself as a righteously angry and fearless crusader who has the guts to stand up to entrenched power. She is always the little guy, and whoever she is fighting is always rich, powerful, and elite—and if, as her life progresses, her posse becomes Oprah Winfrey, Theodore Forstmann, and the Gates Foundation lined up against beleaguered school superintendents and presidents of union chapters, the irony of that situation has no tonal effect on her narrative. Again and again she gives us scenes of herself being warned that she cannot do what is plainly the right thing, because it is too risky, too difficult, too threatening to the unions, too likely to bring on horrific and unfair personal attacks—but the way she’s made, there’s nothing she can do but ignore the warnings and plow valiantly ahead.
Rhee typified the brand of hard-charging visionary crusading faux-Democrat CEO school leader, the brand of hubris-empowered reformsterism that believed a bold outsider with a clear vision and no obstacles (like unions and government rules and "experts") could remake schools into perfectly awesome engines of education. Joel Klein, Chris Barbic, the Broad Academy grads, the Chiefs for Change members, David Coleman-- just let them get their hands on the levers of power and get the hell out of their way, and they would show you how their outsider brilliance could fix everything that education professionals had screwed up. They were vocally anti-union and anti-teacher. (Meanwhile, stop picking on them and unfairly criticizing them.)
This was the decade that this brand of reformsterism fell aside to make room for other styles of privatization, from the technocrats to the champions of freedom. Other Reformsters quietly started suggesting that maybe for any reforms to actually work, maybe, just maybe, it would help to stop treating the teachers (who would, after all, have to actually implement this stuff) like the enemy. Reformsters like Eli Broad and Laurene Jobs bankrolled operations like Education Post to beat back those who dared to criticize their vision; it hasn't particularly helped. Attempts to break the teachers union seemed successful at first, but as West Virginia and Chicago and Kentucky and Oklahoma etc etc etc have shown, teachers are actually invested in their work and will fight for it. And most of the visionary CEO eduleaders have gotten their shot-- and failed to do anything spectacular; have, in fact, proven to be nothing more than well-connected, well-financed edu-amateurs who really didn't understand what they were doing. And while some have demonstrated an actual abiding interest in education (Eve Moskowitz turns out to have far more grit than most of her reform peers), some just keep failing upward from one job they can't really do to the next one, and many others have proven to have a short attention span, heading off to seek their fortune in some other field. The visionary CEO model suffers from a variety of problems, but the biggest one is that it just doesn't work, and every attempt to implement it yet again just exposes, again, how badly it fails.
In 2010, Rhee appeared to stand at the forefront of a group of people who, we might have predicted, would in ten years time be the Grand Masters of US Education. Instead they have become as transparent, as weightless, as the Emperor's new clothes in hot noonday sun. They scuttle from job to job like cockroaches escaping from one opened window after another. They are human vaporware. And in DC, folks are still trying to clean up after Rhee's mess.
Ed reform belongs to other people now, people less interested in flash and celebrity (do you think Betsy DeVos really cares if she gets the cover of Time magazine or not). They're worth a discussion another day. The visionary CEO model, the Rhee-style hubris-fueled edu-celebrity just-let-me-break-stuff model hasn't died, but I'd argue that it has lost the punch it had a decade ago, and that's been good news for education in this country. It is one of the stories of education in the last decade, and as its best symbol, Michelle Rhee deserves to be on all those lists. Embattled and attacked, run down just because she is an amateur who didn't know what she was doing, picked on just because she could never point to an actual true success in the field she had decided to elbow her way into, opposed by people just because they had invested their lives in the work that she casually commandeered, Rhee has been robbed one last time of what is rightfully hers-- a spot on those damn end-of-decade lists. May she enjoy her quiet life now, anyway.
The very fact that I don't really need to review her story makes part of my point. Rhee was the previous decade's best-known public face of education reform, culminating in that infamous Time cover of her holding a broom. Rhee was the quintessential reformster, a Teach for America product who had put in her time (including the apparently-hilarious incident in which she duct-taped student mouths shut). After her TFA stint, she started The New Teacher Project, a group that brought the TFA philosophy to older folks who had already had a job or two; TNTP morphed into another reformy thinky tank kibbitzing on topics from teacher evaluation to professional development. They made up something called the opportunity myth, but their big hit has been a position argument called "The Widget Effect" which argued that teachers should be paid, promoted, and fired based on student test scores.
This, somehow, led to a job in 2007 as the Chancellor of DC Public Schools, Rhee's big breakout role win which she beat the crap out of teachers and administrators alike. Her triumphs were celebrated, her improvements touted as proof of concept for hard-hitting accountability and firing your way to excellence. Except that it turned out that most of her DC miracle was not so much miracle as good old-fashioned fudging and cheating.
And it came with big costs. George Parker, president of the Washington Teachers Union, said no other superintendent had wrecked morale more than Rhee. Interviewed by Marc Fisher in 2009 for the Washington Post, Parker pointed to some other issues as well:
Parker spells out what many older, black teachers told me right after demanding that I not publish their names: "I suppose it's not simply racial -- it could be culture. The chancellor said to me, 'Why do people feel they need [tenure] protection if they're doing their jobs?' And I said, 'A lot of our veteran teachers know better.' As African American teachers, they learned coming up that it didn't matter how good you were: Because you were black, you weren't treated fairly. That is the African American experience. And there could be a lack of understanding of the culture of the workforce."
Mayor Adrian Fenty tied his own political future to Rhee's school leadership, and in the 2010 election, the voters said "No, thank you." Rhee was out of a job, but in a true edu-celebrity move, took to Oprah to announce her next move: the launching of StudentsFirst. And not just a launch, but an audacious goal-- 1 million members would raise $1 billion dollars.
That was 2010, the dawn of the decade.
Rhee entered the decade as the quintessential reformster. She possessed no actual qualifications for the jobs she took on, had never even run a school, let alone a major urban district., She championed every reformy idea beloved at the time, from charters to test-based accountability to gutting teacher job protections and, as was the common back then, the notion that the real problem with schools was all the shitty teachers protected by their shitty unions.
Like many of the big names in education disruption in the oughts, Rhee skated on sheer chutzpah. There was no good reason for her to believe that she knew what the heck she was doing, but she was by-God certain that her outsider "expertise" was right and that all she needed to create success was the unbridled freedom to exert her will.
And in 2010, it was working. The media loved her and, more significantly, treated her like a go-to authority on all educational issues. They fell all over themselves to grab the privilege of printing the next glowing description of the empress's newest clothes. She was more than once packaged as the pro-reform counterpart of Diane Ravitch (though one thing that Rhee carefully and consistently avoided was any sort of head to head debate with actual education experts).
For the first part of the decade, it kept working. Students First became a powerhouse lobbying group, pushing hard for the end of teacher job protections. She was in 2011's reform agitprop film Waiting for Superman. LinkedIN dubbed her an expert influencer. She spoke out in favor of Common Core and related testing. A breathless and loving bio was published about her in 2011; in 2013 she published a book of her own. She had successfully parleyed her DC job into a national platform.
2014 seemed like peak Rhee. I actually decided to stop mentioning her by name; I felt guilty about increasing her already-prodigious footprint. She seemed unstoppable, and yet by 2014 we knew that the TFA miracle classrooms, the DC miracle, the TNTP boondoggle, the StudentsFirst failures (far short of 1 million or $1 billion). Rhee was the Kim Kardashian of ed reform, the popular spokesmodel who did not have one actual success to her name. She was increasingly dogged by her controversies.
And then, in the fall of 2014, Michelle Rhee simply evaporated from the ed scene. She left Students First (which itself shortly thereafter faded into the 50CAN network of education disruptor advocacy). She joined the board of Miracle-Gro (a decision that was itself not without controversy). She married NBA star Kevin Johnson and settled in Sacremento into the board of St. HOPE charter school (a position she still apparently holds). Her Twitter feed showed to her crawl, and her LinkedIN profile hasn't been updated to show she left Students First. She popped up again when Donald Trump was elected, but nothing came of that. Meanwhile, her husband's fortunes have slumped a bit (Deadspin in particular has been relentless in pushing Johnson controversies).
Rhee started the decade as a major player; she finishes as someone who's barely in the game. At her peak, she exemplified a particular type of education disruptor, as captured by this quick portrait from a Nicholas Lemann review of her autobiography:
But as soon as she becomes head of an organization, and a voice in public debates, and (perhaps most importantly) a regular fund-raiser among the very rich and their foundations, Rhee’s story begins to change into one in which everything wrong with public education is attributable to the malign influence of the teachers’ unions. Rhee is a major self-dramatizer. As naturally appealing to her as is the idea that more order, structure, discipline, and competition is the answer to all problems, even more appealing is the picture of herself as a righteously angry and fearless crusader who has the guts to stand up to entrenched power. She is always the little guy, and whoever she is fighting is always rich, powerful, and elite—and if, as her life progresses, her posse becomes Oprah Winfrey, Theodore Forstmann, and the Gates Foundation lined up against beleaguered school superintendents and presidents of union chapters, the irony of that situation has no tonal effect on her narrative. Again and again she gives us scenes of herself being warned that she cannot do what is plainly the right thing, because it is too risky, too difficult, too threatening to the unions, too likely to bring on horrific and unfair personal attacks—but the way she’s made, there’s nothing she can do but ignore the warnings and plow valiantly ahead.
Rhee typified the brand of hard-charging visionary crusading faux-Democrat CEO school leader, the brand of hubris-empowered reformsterism that believed a bold outsider with a clear vision and no obstacles (like unions and government rules and "experts") could remake schools into perfectly awesome engines of education. Joel Klein, Chris Barbic, the Broad Academy grads, the Chiefs for Change members, David Coleman-- just let them get their hands on the levers of power and get the hell out of their way, and they would show you how their outsider brilliance could fix everything that education professionals had screwed up. They were vocally anti-union and anti-teacher. (Meanwhile, stop picking on them and unfairly criticizing them.)
This was the decade that this brand of reformsterism fell aside to make room for other styles of privatization, from the technocrats to the champions of freedom. Other Reformsters quietly started suggesting that maybe for any reforms to actually work, maybe, just maybe, it would help to stop treating the teachers (who would, after all, have to actually implement this stuff) like the enemy. Reformsters like Eli Broad and Laurene Jobs bankrolled operations like Education Post to beat back those who dared to criticize their vision; it hasn't particularly helped. Attempts to break the teachers union seemed successful at first, but as West Virginia and Chicago and Kentucky and Oklahoma etc etc etc have shown, teachers are actually invested in their work and will fight for it. And most of the visionary CEO eduleaders have gotten their shot-- and failed to do anything spectacular; have, in fact, proven to be nothing more than well-connected, well-financed edu-amateurs who really didn't understand what they were doing. And while some have demonstrated an actual abiding interest in education (Eve Moskowitz turns out to have far more grit than most of her reform peers), some just keep failing upward from one job they can't really do to the next one, and many others have proven to have a short attention span, heading off to seek their fortune in some other field. The visionary CEO model suffers from a variety of problems, but the biggest one is that it just doesn't work, and every attempt to implement it yet again just exposes, again, how badly it fails.
In 2010, Rhee appeared to stand at the forefront of a group of people who, we might have predicted, would in ten years time be the Grand Masters of US Education. Instead they have become as transparent, as weightless, as the Emperor's new clothes in hot noonday sun. They scuttle from job to job like cockroaches escaping from one opened window after another. They are human vaporware. And in DC, folks are still trying to clean up after Rhee's mess.
Ed reform belongs to other people now, people less interested in flash and celebrity (do you think Betsy DeVos really cares if she gets the cover of Time magazine or not). They're worth a discussion another day. The visionary CEO model, the Rhee-style hubris-fueled edu-celebrity just-let-me-break-stuff model hasn't died, but I'd argue that it has lost the punch it had a decade ago, and that's been good news for education in this country. It is one of the stories of education in the last decade, and as its best symbol, Michelle Rhee deserves to be on all those lists. Embattled and attacked, run down just because she is an amateur who didn't know what she was doing, picked on just because she could never point to an actual true success in the field she had decided to elbow her way into, opposed by people just because they had invested their lives in the work that she casually commandeered, Rhee has been robbed one last time of what is rightfully hers-- a spot on those damn end-of-decade lists. May she enjoy her quiet life now, anyway.
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