Sunday, September 10, 2023

ICYMI: Here Comes Monday Edition (9/10)

Two weeks into school and we're now getting to our first actual Monday, and it will be 9/11, a date that now has no particular significance for anyone in school or college. This is one of the challenges of history--as events slide into the rearview mirror, a divide grows between people for whom they are a huge deal and people for whom they are simply old stuff that one hears about second or third hand. How do you convey to the following generations just what a big event something was to live through? 

Well, I don't have answers, but I do have your weekly dose of Stuff To Read.. 

Disney tickets, PS5s, and big-screen TVs: Florida parents exploit DeSantis' school vouchers

Judd Legum of Popular Information got a look inside the private Facebook group where Florida's voucher parents share tips about how to use their bundles of taxpayer dollars. It's jaw-dropping stuff.

School Vouchers Are Dysfunctional by Design

Sarah Jones, writing for New York magazine, responds to Judd Legum's piece about the uses and misuses of Florida vouchers. It's a great piece, and it gives us this line:

In the Facebook posts, parents treat the program like it’s their private candy jar. They’re right: It is.

If Teachers Are So Important To Student Achievement, How Are Your Teachers Being Developed Professionally?

It's professional development season, and Rann Miller has some practical advice for districts about how to make PD less sucky and more useful.

Give Teachers More Money

Nancy Flanagan noticed that the last PDK poll showed a lot of support for this idea. Could it be that post-pandemic, we've noticed that an awful lot of people are underpaid (and some are over-rich).


Jan Resseger takes a look at the edition of Poverty and Race guest-edited by Derek Black, and finds plenty to pay attention to about how race and segregation are tied to how we do school in this country.

State public education funding’s teachable moment

The courts have declared Pennsylvania's school funding system unconstitutional. Now what? And how might it affect issues like buildings that are barely functional? Come visit a Philly school.

“Some of our teachers can't teach because of a freezing building … We can't even plug in air conditioning or a computer without a plug going out,” Sax said. “All the kids here are watching you,”


Teaching in Pennsylvania’s Unconstitutional School Funding System

Speaking of which. Steven Singer talks about what it looks like in the classroom.


Paul Thomas offers some history and perspective on the problems with bringing "science" into teaching. 

Keri Rodrigues Lolling in Fox Love

Keri Rodriguez may not be an actual liberal Democrat, but she plays one on tv. Maurice Cunningham, dark money expert, reminds us where the National Parents Union and its leader actually come from.

NEPC Review: Think Again: Is Education Funding in America Still Unequal?

The Fordham Institute published a paper this summer declaring that the educational funding inequity problem was all fixed. Now, writing for the National Education Policy Center, education funding expert Bruce Baker explains just how much water the Fordham paper really holds (spoiler alert: not so much).

How anti-government ideologues targeted Wisconsin public schools

Ruth Coniff takes a close look at the attempts to undercut public education in Wisconsin and the work of such anti-public ed folks as Moms For Liberty and reform bro Corey DeAngelis

Voucher school expansion hurting public schools

Brief but pointed commentary from the news director of WIZM

A DeSantis Speech Too Dangerous to Teach in Florida

At The Atlantic, Adam Serwer points out that Ron DeSantis's attempt to address the murder of three Black Floridians runs afoul of his own rules about suppressing wokeness.

How to Reduce Gun Violence? Teachers Share Their Ideas

Larry Ferlazzo's column at EdWeek presents some thoughts from actual teacher about reducing gun violence. Spoiler alert: none suggest that arming teachers is the way to go.


Madeline Will at EdWeek talks to Idaho's 2023 Teacher of the Year, and the story of how she was driven out of the classroom by the wave of culture warriors.

Largest Oklahoma school districts to opt out of lesson plans with conservative advocacy group

Ryan Walters can partner with PragerU all he wants, but that doesn't mean that school districts have to go along with it.

US ‘university’ spreads climate lies and receives millions from rightwing donors

If you want to know a little more about PragerU, the Guardian did a great explainer this week.

Research file: We watched every PragerU Kids video. Here are the lowlights. 

If you really, really want to know more, a team at Media Matters watched the whole library. A useful resource, even as it is a lot to take in.


JD2718 blogs a response to the New York Times' latest anti-public school baloney.

The Supreme Court’s Fake Praying Coach Case Just Got Faker

I wrote about this story this week, but Mark Joseph Stern at Slate did a great job with it and highlighted a few details that I did not. 


Tennessee is a state that really captures the effects of having ed reform run by a bunch of carpetbagging amateurs with more loyalty to their chums than the state's students and taxpayers, and nobody captures that web of baloney better than TC Weber, who does it some more this week. What a web.

Plausible Sentence Generators

In Locus, Cory Doctorow tells the story of his encounter with ChatGPT. It's full of insight and his usual entertaining style, and if I didn't already love it for "plausible sentence generator," I would love it for "In the bullshit wars, chatbots are weapons of mass destruction."


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Friday, September 8, 2023

Is Public School On Its Deathbed?

Rachel Cohen interviewed Cara Fitzpatrick, editor at Chalkbeat, for a piece at Vox about Fitzpatrick's upcoming book, The Death of Public School: How Conservatives Won the War Over Education in America. Despite its depressing title, I've ordered the book, and I'll probably write about it once I've read it, but the interview triggered a few thoughts as Fitzpatrick teases some of what's in the book.

Is public education actually dead yet? That's a point that can be argued, but we're going to skip it for now. She may just mean "public education as we know it": in which case, sure, because the "as we know it" has died a few times already. I'll wait to see how she clarifies it in the book. (So, yes--I  asked the question in the title, and I'm not really going to try to answer it.)

There's the destruction of the wall between church and state/public schools. Fitzpatrick describes it as a "small legal window" that has conservatives have "cleaved open wider" over time, with the Supreme Court going after the establishment clause to an extent that she says has "gone even farther than school choice advocates thought it would."

Fitzpatrick says she wanted to keep things neutral, but help someone understand how we got to today's universal voucher situation. She talks about Polly Williams, who wrote the first choice legislation and soon repudiated it (she took to calling choice a Catholic movement) as a connection of sorts between the first choice wave (the racist, anti-integration one) with the modern "social justice and civil rights" one. I think we can reserve judgment on all of that until we see how she manages it in the book.

Fitzpatrick notes that education "can really change in a short period of time," but she also notes that conservatives successfully played a long game on vouchers. She also points to a shift in message, from "choice will drive improvements in the public system" to the current "government schools are full of pedophile groomers and we should burn them all down." 

I'm not sure that's a change in the message of choice so much as a shift in the allies that free marketeers, the true heirs of Milton Friedman, have put themselves with. When they were allied with Democrats like the Clintons and Obama, the fix public school rhetoric made sense. But now that they're linked up with the Chris Rufo-Betsy DeVos full-on burn it down wing, that message predominates. She correctly links to that Jay Greene piece advocating that long-time reformsters should use the culture wars to push their agenda. 

Fitzpatrick is curiously fuzzy on the research on voucher outcomes. Though she agrees that research shows  "that the programs haven't lived up to the promise of what early advocates wanted or assumed would happen," she finds that wading through all the studies out there "can be a little intimidating," which tells me that she didn't talk to Josh Cowen, who has been wading through that research for twenty-some years, originally with the intent of touting voucher awesomeness, and come to some fairly clear conclusions-- vouchers have lousy outcomes for students.

 Cohen asks her about the role of unions in the rise of vouchers, and Fitzpatrick says she doesn't see much difference being made by them, which I think is a short part of a complex answer, because unions, by getting behind the Democrats on issues-- especially Common Core (back when Dems joined up with conservatives on this stuff)-- helped fuel the narrative that US schools are "failing," which in turn fueled the push for vouchers.

And here she gets something almost on the nose:

With teacher unions, what’s interesting is that a lot of their fears about where the programs would go seem to have come true. Unions warned from the start that this was not in fact going to be just a little experiment, that these programs are not going to be just limited to disadvantaged students, and now we are seeing these universal programs pass.

Instead of saying their "fears" now "seem to have come true," let's say instead that their predictions turned out to be accurate. 

There are other points that she misses that I hope make it into the book.

For instance, voucher advocates needed to take a long game approach because the short game--having taxpayers democratically install vouchers--never works. Doing an end run around democratic processes takes a little time and a long game that involves getting key people in key spots. The problem on the voucherfied far right is the same problem as the problem they have with outlawing abortion and proving that Trump won in 2020--the majority of American voters don't agree with them. So part of the long game has been to deliberately chop away at public trust in the public school system. 

What I really hope made it into the book is an understanding of the larger implications of a voucher system.

It's not just about privatizing the education product; it's about privatizing the responsibility for procuring an education for your children. A world in which vouchers rule and public education is dead is a world in which getting your child a quality education is nobody's problem but yours. It's a world in which you have to find vendors you can convince to take your child on as a "customer," and if that's hard--well, that's your own problem. Hard to pay for that quality education on your own, even with your voucher pittance? That's also your own problem.

Voucherworld is all about ending society's shared responsibility for providing each child with a decent education, and letting the market decide who deserves what based on their ability to pay, just as the market decides who deserves to drive a new Lexus and who deserves to drive a used Kia. Who deserves a fancy prep school, who deserves a microschool of neighborhood kids gathered around a computer screen, who deserves an education composed of facts rather than church-approved "facts," and who deserves to get an "education" in widget building? In voucherworld, the marketplace will decide, and parents will have no avenue for appeal.

In short, I hope that Fitzpatrick's book is not just about what system may (or may not) be on the verge of death, but what U.S. citizens are expected to accept in its place.





Can district school choice help desegregate?

Spoiler alert: probably not.

The answers come from a piece of research by Rachel M. Perera, Deven Carlson, Thurston Domina, James Carter III, Andrew McEachin, and Vitaly Radsky and published way back in March of this year.

The paper has some limitations, the largest of which is that it's a study of a single school district, the Wake County Public School System in North Carolina. 

The team, in a layperson write-up for their work on Brookings, suggests there are three big takeaways from their study.

Finding #1: Residential segregation significantly constrained WCPSS’s desegregation initiative

In other words, it's hard to beat the segregation-by-housing that defines a community. When Wake schools started out by assigning students a "base" school--basically the neighborhood school that geography pointed to-- the result was segregation.

Not a new insight--a lot of our school segregation problems are simply the result of tying school attendance areas to housing. That has gotten worse as districts gerrymander both their own borders and the borders of attendance areas. Wake's system for desegregating didn't really escape this issue.

Could a district set up a system that scrubbed the ties to housing? Perhaps, though such initiatives often result in complaints about letting "those kids" into "our schools."

Finding #2: Most families enrolled their kindergartners in their assigned base school

Other research has shown that families have a tendency to favor geographical convenience over most other factors. There's the issue of convenience, the desire for a neighborhood school. There's fact that choosing the default option doesn't turn school selection into a major undertaking. 

Some choicers have long held the dream of families researching and carefully weighing their options by studying their market options. But the fact is that lots of people don't like studying their market options, especially if they have neither the expertise or time or confidence to do so. 

Researching market options for anything can be a part time job all by itself. That's particularly true when you're bucking asymmetric information--the situation where the people vying for your money have far more information than you do, and are not sharing that information but are instead flooding the area with marketing. It's enough to make you throw up your hands and mutter, "Whatever. Just give me the default."

But the  interesting finding here is that the majority chose their default base school even Wake tried nudging the process by redrawing the lines of assignment of base schools, suggesting that choice was not the most critical part of desegregation, but was useful as a way to "soften" the re-assignment ("If you hate your new base school, you still have some other choices.")

Finding #3: If you give families segregating options, they’ll take them

Here, again, is one of the central problem of school desegregation-- lots of people like segregation, as demonstrated by uncounted vast numbers of shameful incidents and policies. School choice got its first big boost as a tool for segregation. District lines have been drawn to create segregation. The list goes on and on.

In this particular study, the researchers found that the more Black students in a base school, the less likely Asian or white families would choose those schools. Black and Latino families' decisions were unrelated to schools' racial makeup.

Segregation is bad for us as a culture, a society, a nation. School segregation is made even worse because it is so commonly accompanied by a segregation of resources-- it's not that we have Those Peoples' Children pushed into that school over there, but that we then make sure that school has fewer resources, less funding, less support. 

Choice over where to live. Choice over where to draw neighborhood lines. Choice over where to draw district lines. Separate but equal has always been a lie, and versions of "choice" have always been used to perpetuate that lie. This study is just one more data point in a familiar picture. 

Thursday, September 7, 2023

Teaching the Preamble

This piece has been sitting on my desktop for months. It is from Education Nex, and it was written by Michael Poor, the interim managing editor of that publication. 

Poor has put together a piece that includes several points on which we disagree, but there are a couple of paragraphs that I would by God hang on the wall of my classroom if I still had one. 

Poor is talking about the preamble of the Constitution-- here's the text, in case it has slipped your mind:

We, the People of the United States, in Order to form a more perfect Union, establish Justice, insure domestic Tranquility, provide for the common defense, promote the general Welfare, and secure the Blessings of Liberty to ourselves and our Posterity, do ordain and establish this Constitution for the United States of America.




Pretty good stuff, and as Poor points out, the result of some rewriting and fiddling, particularly pushing aside a dry, state-centered version. It was the Convention's Committee of Style that really punched it up into this expression of American aspiration. Poor thinks this should be centered in history and civics instruction; he even envisions it as a path away from "culture wars."

I'm not sure I much like the expression "culture wars," which presumes that two sides are fighting hard to impose their culture on US classrooms. But Porr is correct in noting that "American children are caught in the middle" of it all, and are asked to "absorb the legislative fallout of their elders' per causes."

I also don't care for Poor's false equivalence conveyed in this sentence: "They may be well protected from uncomfortable topics in their school curricula but not from the bumbling attempts of adults to help them recover from pandemic learning losses." He then goes on to suggest that the prevalence of hyper-partisanship as a citizen model may be related to the NAEP history and civics score drops, and I don't to go way down that rabbit hole because, mostly, who cares what NAEP civics and history scores are. And he does nod briefly at the fact that the Constitution was itself a highly controversial document. I'll say it again: Anyone who talks about what the Founders or the Framers wanted is cutting corners, because they disagreed fiercely about pretty much everything, with the possible exception of an aspiration to get things set up the proper way. 

But, Poor suggests, what if we went stopped bothering with entrenched cultural positions and went back to the preamble and the classroom, and then he unleashes two paragraphs that are as good as anything anyone has to say about teaching history:

Imagine a U.S. history class where the preamble is prominently displayed for all to see—not as a mark of patriotism but as a didactic referent for students to read and internalize the aspirational promises of the United States as identified by the founding generation. Imagine a teacher asking her students, “What does ‘a more perfect union’ look like? What did it look like in 1787? What wasn’t perfect about the United States then? What about today?”

Imagine a conversation in which students are made to feel neither proud nor guilty about the past but instead have an honest confrontation with how their country has been a force for good and how it has perpetuated wretched evils. And imagine students identifying the same characteristics in modern America and being asked, “What can you do to form a more perfect union today?”

And also this:

We do a disservice to American students when we catastrophize or mythologize our past instead of guiding them through the complicated, contradictory, and incomplete story of the world’s oldest democracy.

Despite the "world's oldest democracy" part, these strike me as far better aims that "instilling a love of God and country" or "helping students understand how the US is much more awesomer than the whole rest of the world."

 

Wednesday, September 6, 2023

The Praying Coach Quit After One Game

Maybe Joseph Kennedy's fifteen minutes are just up.

Who is this guy again? Let's recap the case that made him famous.

Joseph Kennedy is the assistant football coach at Bremerton who decided to take his performative christianism all the way to the Supreme Court, where the conservatives eager to further the destruction of the wall between church and state issued a decision that rested on a legal technique known as Making Shit Up. 

Justice Gorsuch wrote this one, and he's in an alternate reality in the very first paragraph.

Joseph Kennedy lost his job as a high school football coach because he knelt at midfield after games to offer a quiet prayer of thanks.

Nope. Joseph Kennedy decided not to put in for the job for another season. Instead, he headed out on the celebrity martyr circuit. Nor was it a quiet prayer pf thanks.

Mr. Kennedy prayed during a period when school employees were free to speak with a friend, call for a reservation at a restaurant, check email, or attend to other personal matters.

This line of reasoning was followed throughout. If you're on the clock, but can get away with dividing your attention, that counts as personal time.

Respect for religious expressions is indispensable to life in a free and diverse Republic—whether those expressions take place in a sanctuary or on a field, and whether they manifest through the spoken word or a bowed head. Here, a government entity sought to punish an individual for engaging in a brief, quiet, personal religious observance doubly protected by the Free Exercise and Free Speech Clauses of the First Amendment.

It's such a mischaracterization of the facts of the case one has to wonder, if Gorsuch is correct, how such a case could have been decided so incorrectly by lower courts. But Justice Sotomayor in her dissent at least records the actual facts, so at least they're on record somewhere.

Official-led prayer strikes at the core of our constitutional protections for the religious liberty of students and their parents, as embodied in both the Establishment Clause and the Free Exercise Clause of the First Amendment.

The Court now charts a different path, yet again paying almost exclusive attention to the Free Exercise Clause’s protection for individual religious exercise while giving short shrift to the Establishment Clause’s prohibition on state establishment of religion.

To the degree the Court portrays petitioner Joseph Kennedy’s prayers as private and quiet, it misconstrues the facts.


Also, after noting that the majority just threw out the Lemon test, she writes

In addition, while the Court reaffirms that the Establishment Clause prohibits the government from coercing participation in religious exercise, it applies a nearly toothless version of the coercion analysis, failing to acknowledge the unique pressures faced by students when participating in school-sponsored activities. This decision does a disservice to schools and the young citizens they serve, as well as to our Nation’s longstanding commitment to the separation of church and state. I respectfully dissent.

The dissent uses pages to lay out the many details of how Kennedy was not quiet or brief, including his invitations to opposing teams to join in, and that very special time where he went out and led a student prayer right in front of the administrator who has just asked him not to. Why the District didn't just fire him for insubordination I do not know.

SCOTUS ordered Bremerton to rehire Kennedy for the job that he had never re-applied for and then--twist #1

Twist #1

Last fall the school sent out reinstatement papers. He didn't return them, because he was busy with other stuff. Danny Westneat at the Seattle Times tracked Kennedy's busy schedule. 

Instead, as the Bremerton Knights were prepping for the season in August, Kennedy was up in Alaska, meeting with former Vice President Mike Pence and evangelist Franklin Graham. On the eve of the first game, which the Knights won, Kennedy was in Milwaukee being presented with an engraved .22-caliber rifle at an American Legion convention.

The weekend of the second game, which the Knights also won, Kennedy appeared with former President Donald Trump at the Trump National Golf Club in New Jersey. He saw Trump get a religious award from a group called the American Cornerstone Institute.

Coming up this month, Kennedy’s scheduled to give a talk as part of a lectureship series at a Christian university in Arkansas.

“Place a PR/Publicity Request,” invites his personal website, where he’s known as Coach Joe.

It’s an increasingly surreal situation for the Bremerton schools. They were ordered to “reinstate Coach Kennedy to a football coaching position,” according to court documents. But the now-famous coach is out on the conservative celebrity circuit, continuing to tell a story about “the prayer that got me fired” — even though Bremerton never actually fired him.

And now, Twist #2

But for the fall of 2023, Kennedy was back on the football staff. The school district had created some rules to allow for staff prayers under certain conditions (it has to be hard to set policy when the Supreme Court dings you for things that didn't actually happen). They played their first game of the season, and won. Then Kennedy took his photo op prayerful knee on the field, by himself this time. Was he happy to be back coaching football? 

Tonight was the milestone and where we wanted to get to. We fought eight years. What we asked for from the Supreme Court and all the courts was just to be able to be a coach and be able to pray after a football game.

So, football shmootball.

And then he quit. 

Not a huge shock, as he had apparently done what he came to do. And he's been living in Florida for the last three years. The firm that represented the school district was also unsurprised:

For years, Kennedy and his lawyers have said all he wanted was his job back. We were skeptical. And now, here we are, right where we warned the Supreme Court we would be.

His resignation letter is reportedly more in keeping with his victim stance. Reported Nina Shapiro at the Seattle Times:

In a resignation letter obtained by The Seattle Times, Kennedy said, “It is apparent that the reinstatement ordered by the Supreme Court will not be fully followed after a series of actions meant to diminish my role and single me out in what I can only believe is retaliation by the school district.”

He gave no indication of such feelings in an interview last week and declined to go into details Wednesday. “I knew it wasn’t going to be a picnic and it wasn’t,” he said, adding that his “role and responsibilities” at Friday’s game were “not what I signed up for.”

Like any other humble high school assistant football coach, he had his PR firm issue a statement.

“I believe I can best continue to advocate for constitutional freedom and religious liberty by working from outside the school system so that is what I will do. I will continue to work to help people understand and embrace the historic ruling at the heart of our case. As a result of our case, we all have more freedom, not less. That should be celebrated and not disrespected,” said Kennedy.

“As I have demonstrated, we must make a stand for what we believe in. In my case, I made a stand to take a knee. I encourage all Americans to make their own stand for freedom and our right to express our faith as we see fit. I appreciate the people of Bremerton, the coaches, staff and especially the students and wish them all well. Bremerton will always be home,” he concluded.

Also, he's got a book (written "with" Stephanie Katz). And a movie in pre-production. And on his website you can book him for appearances. 

At the top of the website is the quote "No American should be forced to choose between their faith and the job they love," but I guess Americans should be willing to dump the job if they've got a better shot at fame and fortune. 

What a testimony!

If I seem to be mocking Kennedy's faith, it's only because he's made a mockery out of mine. I realize this is low-hanging obvious fruit, but I'm going to pull out Matthew 6:5 here--this is Jesus, giving instructions about praying

“And when you pray, do not be like the hypocrites, for they love to pray standing in the synagogues and on the street corners to be seen by others. Truly I tell you, they have received their reward in full."

Then a few verses later he lays out The Lord's Prayer. Nowhere in scripture have I ever read, "When you pray, make it a big public circus that is all about you. Also, if you can exert any authority you have to coerce others into praying, that would be cool, too."

Schools are absolutely loaded with teachers who are people of faith and who manage to do their jobs and keep their faith and avoid pushing it on young humans in their charge, and they do all three things at the same time. Kennedy's showboating and the attendant SCOTUS flubbery simply encourages those teachers who can't stay away from the coercion part to go ahead and put religion where it doesn't belong.

Kennedy had a responsibility to his players. He failed at it when he used his position to promote his personal religion, and he failed at it again when he made the football team subordinate to his desire to be a big christianist celebrity. It is telling that no crowd rushed the field to join him in his performance; I expect that plenty of folks in Bremerton have long since figured out that Kennedy is filled with something other than the holy spirit. 

I have no way of knowing what kind of faith witness Kennedy thinks he's providing, but this is a lousy testimony, prideful and selfish and far more interested in politics than faith. It's one more reminder of that old saw-- when you mix religion and politics, you get politics. It's hard to imagine anyone looking at Kennedy's actions and thinking, "Yeah, I'm really feeling Christ's call now."




Tuesday, September 5, 2023

Petrilli: "Hey, Let's Do No Child Left Behind Again!"

Mike Petrilli, head honcho of the right-tilted Fordham Institute thinky tank, made it into the New York Times today to do some chicken littling about Learning Loss and suggest a bold solution. Don't have a NYT subscription? That's okay-- let me walk you through the highlights of this festival of Things We Can Stop Saying About Education Right Now, Please.

Let's start by invoking general Learning Loss panic. Petrilli points out that students "lost significant ground" during covid, and now NWEA says that students continue "backsliding" and "falling further behind." People, in Petrilli's view, are not panicking enough about "America's massive learning loss."

First, let's use some more precise language, please. In all discussions of learning loss, we are actually talking about scores on a Big Standardized Test of reading and math going down. We will never, ever know how much of the slippage in tests scores is the result of students going a year or two without practicing for the BS Test. But in the meantime, it would be great if we stopped talking about test scores as if they were infallible equivalents of learning and achievement.

Second, "learning loss" is a misnomer. I'm willing to bet that verrrrrrry tiny number of students in this country actually lost learning. I'm equally certain that the vast majority of students did not learn as much as they would have in a non-pandemic year, but that's not the same. 

Think of it this way. It's budget time, and the Mugwumps' proposed budget increases spending on widgets from $500 to $600. The Wombats say, "Let's only increase widget spending to $550." That gets us to the part where the Mugwump talking point is "The Wombats want to cut spending on widgets." When in fact everybody wants widget spending to go up.

That's where we are. During the pandemic, learning occurred--just not as much as might have been expected in a normal-ish year. And this looks most like a crisis if you think of test scores like stock prices and focus on data rather than individual human students. (Petrilli does not invoke the baloney about impact on future earnings, so we'll not go there right now.)

And, it should also be pointed out, it is where we were for a decade before covid even hit.

Having sounded the alarm, Petrilli bemoans the surfeit of leaders willing to make alarmy noises.

The country is in desperate need of leaders who will speak the truth about what’s happening in our K-12 schools, and are willing to make the hard choices to fix it. Simply put, we need to bring some tough love back to American education.

Tough love? Back? Petrilli doesn't really explain how the pandemic led to a loss of tough love in education. But that's the dog we're going to try to hunt with.

He cites Michael Bloomberg, who is ceaselessly alarmed about anything going on in public schools. Bloomberg wants a plan from Washington, a joint session of Congress, a Presidential address. 

Ah, says Petrilli--you know when politicians were on the same page about education, presumably flinging tough love around with wild abandon.

We're talking, of course, about the golden days of No Child Left Behind. 

Petrilli remembers it fondly, citing how we saw "significant progress" which of course means "test scores went up," which they did, at first, for a few years. Anyone who was in a classroom, especially a math or reading classroom, can tell you why. Within a couple of years, schools figured out what test prep would be most effective. Then they targeted students who were teetering on the line between High Enough Scores and Not High Enough Scores, especially the ones in special subgroups, and test prepped the hell out of those kids. At which point scores started stagnating because schools had done all they could do. 

The Average Yearly Progress requirements were set up as a bomb that would go off during the next administration. Again, if you were working in a school at the time, you remember that chart, showing a gentle upward glide for a bit before jutting upward to 2014, the magical year in which 100% of students were to score above average on the BS Test. Oh, Congress will fix that before it happens, we were told. They did not. By the early 20-teens, there were two types of school districts--those that were failing, and those that were cheating. 

Petrilli claims maybe success probably, saying NCLB "likely contributed" to graduation rates (no, schools just learned how to game those), college attainment rates (eh, maybe, but correlation is not causation) and "possibly" future real-life outcomes (absolutely not a shred of evidence--even reformster Jay Greene said as much).

"It’s true that No Child Left Behind was imperfect," says Petrilli. No. It stunk. But Petrilli has quite the tale here.

There were fierce debates over “teaching to the test” and “drill and kill” instruction; about closing low-performing schools versus trying to fix them; and about the link between student achievement and family poverty. But once the law’s shortcomings became apparent, policymakers responded by adopting common standards and improving standardized tests, so as to encourage higher-level teaching. They poured billions into school turnarounds, invested in stronger instructional materials and started grading schools on how much progress their kids made from year to year, rather than focusing on one snapshot in time — an approach that is markedly fairer to high-poverty campuses. Still, the bipartisan effort that was No Child Left Behind ultimately fell apart as our politics fractured.

That's quite the load. There was no debate about teaching to the test or drill and kill, because nobody was in favor of it except shrugging administrators who were staring at 2014. Petrilli also forgets that "teach to the test" ended up meaning "cut out any other classes--or recess--that does not appear on the test." Arts slashed. History and science cut (at least for those teetering students). Closing low-performing schools was, in fact, the quickest way for a district to free itself of the low scores; who knows how many districts were restructured to put predictably low 8th grade scores under the same roof as better scores from lower or higher grades. And yes, poverty affects scores, despite all the No Excusing in the world.

What came next did not address any of these issues, The Common Core was an amateur hour fiasco. Were standardized tests improved? Not really (as witnessed by the fact that states dumped the SBA and PARCC as quickly as they could)--but it made a lucrative contract for some test manufacturers. Including progress in scores is great--unless you're teaching kids who are already scoring at the top. School turnarounds have consistently failed (e.g. Tennessee's failed Achievement School District). 

But he's right that Trump's election and appointment of Betsy DeVos hurt the reformster alliance (despite the fact that DeVos had long been part of the club). But then, so was the increasing split between the social justice wing of reform and the free marketeer AEI-Fordham wing. 

But look-- NCLB and the sequel, Race to the Top, were just bad. They started from bad premises: 1) US education is failing because 2) teachers either don't care or don't know what they're doing. They rest on a foundation of using a mediocre BS Test as an unquestioned proxy for student learning and teacher effectiveness, creating a perfect stage on which to conduct a national field test of Campbell's Law (when you make a measure a proxy for the real thing, you encourage people to mess with the measure instead of the real thing, and it gets worse if the measure isn't very good). And none of the "policymakers" who championed this mess ever came up with a single solitary idea of how to Fix Things that actually worked on either a local or macro scale.

The pandemic did not help anything in education. But it did lead to some flaming prose, like Petrilli's assertion that "here we are, with decades of academic progress washed away and achievement trends still moving in the wrong direction." This kind of overheated rhetoric is nothing new from the folks who gave us The Pandemic Erased Two Decades of Progress in Math and Reading as a headline. But what does it even mean? Washed away to where? Did knowledge dribble out of students' heads? Did the learning of the past several years retroactively vanish with former students waking up across America feeling a little bit dumber somehow? Did teachers forget everything they knew about how to teach students, so they have to start over? Or do we just mean "test scores are down"?

Petrilli breaks this down to some other issues. His first point starts out fine-- there's an attendance problem right now. But he tries to set that beside an alleged nationwide move to lower standards. I'm not sure what basis there is for that assertion. He points to the "no zeros" rule used in some schools, but that rule existed in many places (like my old district) for ages. Maybe it's letting slackers slide through in other places, but my own experience with no zeros policy is that it merely kept students working who would otherwise have given up--kind of the opposite of encouraging slacking. 

But then he's slicing NCLB-style baloney again:

Virtually all schools and districts have enjoyed a vacation from accountability. Almost nobody is worried about state officials shutting their campuses because of low performance, or forcing district schools to replace their principals or teachers.

You say that like it's a bad thing, Mike. 

Embedded here are many of the same bad assumptions that have driven ed reform for decades. Teachers and schools have no motivation to do their jobs unless they have some kind of threat of punishment hanging over their heads. This isn't just bad education policy--it's bad management. As management whiz W. Edwards Deming pointed out often, fear should be driven out of the workplace. But NCLB and RttT were always all stick, no carrot, always starting out with the worst possible assumptions about the people who had chosen education as their life's work (assumptions made largely by people who had never actually worked in a school). 

And even if you don't dig Deming, there's another thing to consider--none of the stuff Petrilli misses actually worked (which was Deming's point). He points out that the kind of thing being done in Houston right now has become rare, to which I say "Good," because Houston is a nightmare and it will end just like all the other similar attempts--no actual success, but lots of disruption and dismay and upheaval of children's education.

Petrilli will now argue for NCLB 3.0. We need "action at scale," but we can't ignore "the support and assistance schools require." Holding schools accountable wasn't enough because-- wait for it-- if NCLB failed it was because schools lacked the expertise and know-how to do it right. And now Petrilli almost--but not quite--gets it.

“Teaching to the test” and other problems with No Child Left Behind stemmed from schools resorting to misguided practices to meet requirements. Under pressure to boost scores, but without the training to know what to do, some educators engaged in endless practice testing, and stopped instruction in any subject that was unlikely to be on the state assessment. In a few places, educators even resorted to outright cheating. They likely felt they had no choice, because they hadn’t been given the tools to succeed.

Nope. Close but no cigar. No, the reason all those things happened was because, as NCLB 1.0 and 2.0 were designed, those things were the tools to "succeed." Because "success" was defined as "get maximum number of kids to score well on a poorly-designed multiple-choice math and reading test." Granted, when most of us think about "success" in education, we have a whole list of other things in mind--but none of those things were valued by NCLB or RttT.

But we're rolling up to the finish now. 

But after a decade of building capacity, offering helping hands and adding funds, it’s time once again to couple skill-building with will-building.

That is a great line. But what capacity-building? More seats in unregulated charters and voucher-accepting schools? Which helping hands? And exactly whose will needs to be built? Parents? Children? Teachers? Policymakers? I'm seriously asking, because I think a hell of a lot of will was involved in slogging through the last couple of years. 

Petrilli calls on schools to spend their "federal largesse" to "catch their kids up"--and I think the call to accelerate education is one of the most infuriating calls of the last few years. Sure-- because all along teachers have known how to educate children faster but they just haven't bothered to do it, but hey, now that we have certified lower test scores, teachers will all bust the super-secret Faster Learning plans out of their file cabinets. 

Petrillii says we don't actually need to bring back NCLB, though he seems to have been talking about nothing else-- just let's get out those big sticks and get back to (threats of) "tough interventions for persistent underperformance," because that has totally worked in the past. No, wait. It hasn't actually worked ever. 

Kids, too, should know that it’s time to hit the books again. We need to rethink our lax grading policies, make clear to parents that their children need to be at school and bring back high school graduation exams and the like to ensure that students buckle down.

Also, get those kids off our lawns. And while you're making sure parents know their kids should be in school, maybe talk to all the reform crowd that has been working hard to build distrust of public schools and deepen disrespect of educators.

And the big finish:

Education matters. Achievement matters. We need leaders who are willing to say so, and educators who are willing to act like these simple propositions are true.

This seems straightforward enough, though if you replace "achievement matters" with "standardized test scores matter," which is what he really means, it doesn't sound quite as compelling. And it's insulting as hell to suggest that the ranks of educators are filled with people who are unwilling to act as if education matters. 

Well, the piece is completely on brand for the New York Times, and it certainly echoes the refrain of that certain brand of reformster whose response to their own policy failures has been, "Well, get in there and fail harder." No Child Left Behind failed, and it not only failed but left some of its worst policy ideas embedded in the new status quo, continuing to do damage to public education right through today. 

The pandemic did many things, and one thing it did was panic the testing industry, which faced an existential threat that everyone might realize that school without the BS Test, or NWEA's lovely test-prep tests, might actually be okay. It's no wonder that they feel a special nostalgia for the days when the entire weight of the government reinforced their importance. So here we are, painting low reading and math tests scores as an educational crisis whose only solution is to get more fear, more threats, and especially more testing back into schools. 

I'm sorry if this assessment of some reformsters, their policies, and their motives seems harsh, but, you know-- tough love.




Monday, September 4, 2023

Anti-Union Unions Still Recruiting

If there's anything true about teachers in unions, it's that some folks wish they weren't. And right now, yet another group is trying to sell the idea. But looking at some of the players in this anti-teacher-union space seems like a fine way to celebrate Labor day. 

In some states, the tactic has been to simply strip unions of power so that A) they can't really do anything and B) teachers leave them because they can't really do anything.

But in other states, the tactic has to try to sell teachers directly on the idea of getting out. We've seen a variety of these outfits. 

Leave your evil union!

Early entry into the field included Free To Teach, an operation of Americans for fair Treatment, a shell group for Pennsylvania's right wing Commonwealth Foundation. 

There's the Freedom Foundation, which once bragged that it "has a proven plan for bankrupting and defeating government unions through education, litigation, legislation and community activation ... we won’t be satisfied with anything short of total victory against the government union thugs." Freedom Foundation was founded by the Bradley Foundation, the Koch Foundation, and the Searle Freedom Trust. 

Then there's the Speak Out For Teachers outfit, brought to us by the Center for Union Facts, an anti-union group that was part of the constellation of dark money groups run by Richard Berman, who has long been a down and dirty fighter against unions. (They appear to have gone dark themselves a couple years ago)

There's For Kids and Country, the enterprise of former teacher Rebecca Friedrichs, who was the face of a big anti-teacher-union lawsuit almost a decade ago and has since launched a career as a talking head on the Fox-Breitbart circuit. They have a whole guide on how to talk a teacher into leaving the union. 

Or you could have My Pay My Say, the "don't you want to quit the union" initiative of the Mackinac Center for Public Policy, a right wing pressure group based in Michigan and so, as you might expect funded with a bunch of DeVos money as well as Walton, Koch and dark money.

The Janus decision, which invented the right of teachers to be free riders in unions, collecting benefits but paying no dues, gave rise to plenty of these groups. They will argue teachers should drop union dues because then they would get more money (spoiler alert: none of these groups or their backers have ever advocated for higher teacher salaries). 

And we're going to skip over the various state-level versions of these groups.

There are also anti-union teachers who make arguments like "I could negotiate a better contract for myself if I weren't tied to this union," and they are just so cute. Nobody tell them about Santa, either. The anti-union outfits love to cheer these folks on, and they might even get to leave teaching for a cushy thinky tank gig. 

But when these groups are not trying to coax teacher away from the union, their purposes are more clear.

The teachers unions (well, all unions, but the teachers have the biggest ones these days) give a whole bunch of money to Democratic politicians, so, the reasoning goes, defund the unions and defund the Democrats. Plus, as a bonus, depower the unions and then teachers don't get all uppity about decent contracts and working conditions and just generally getting in the way of The People In Charge. 

Some of this is just realpolitik gamesmanship, but there are anti-union folks who feel pretty mouth-frothy about this. The narrative for some is that public schools are a scam, a way to funnel money to teachers who in turn funnel it to Democrats and liberals. (In return these "teachers" get a pretend job in which they don't actually try to educate anyone.) You'll hear language about how union leaders are "corrupt," and that Venn diagram shows some overlap with diagram of people who think elections are rigged because those elections allow people to vote who shouldn't have a say. If you're of the opinion that society is supposed to have tiers, then teachers unions represent an attempt to exercise power by people who shouldn't have any, people who refuse to know their place.

Another wing of these anti-union efforts are the anti-union unions, groups that are set up to provide a alternative organization for people who don't want to go it alone. We've had teacher collectives a decade or so ago that were created for the purpose of supporting Common Core and high stakes testing ("See? Teachers think this stuff is great!") like Educators 4 Excellence et al. 

But nowadays the big names are about giving teachers an alternative to AFT and NEA.

There's the Christian Educators Association. 

I've written about them before--here are some of the highlights. 

The Christian Educators Association is not a new player (you may have heard the name before--we'll get to that shortly). They were founded as the National Educators Fellowship in 1953 by Dr. Clyde Narramore, an author of over 100 books, most focusing on psychology. He even had a syndicated radio show with his wife Ruth. His shtick was psychology steeped in Christian belief, and he eventually launched and led the Rosemead School of Psychology which has since been folded into Biola University, a private evangelical Christian university in La Mirada, California. Biola was founded as the Bible Institute of Los Angeles by the president of the Union Oil Company of California, based on the model of the Moody Bible Institute, later broadening their programs (including an education department).

In 1984 they changed the name to Christian Educators Association International, and in 1991, then-leader Forrest Turpen continued restructuring the group to be "an alternative to teachers' unions, at a time when unions were embracing values more and more hostile to the Biblical worldview." I was teaching then; I'm not sure what exactly they were upset about (Outcome based education?) Turpen led the group from 1983 till 2003, expanded membership, and went after the secular unions. As always, the mission was unequivocally evangelical; when he died, friends noted his "dogged determination to see the gospel proclaimed to the children of this nation."

CEAI became increasingly aggressive. Under new leader (and former Ohio public school teacher) Finn Laursen, CEAI launched the Daniel Project to provide schools with modern day Daniels:

Christ-centered teachers are nominated, selected and funded to participate in Daniel Weekends to help them rekindle their passion, calling and courage to transform their schools with God’s love and truth.

Totally cool because, as Laursen explains here, the founders totally wanted religion in schools. He also makes the claim that in the past, the US schools were first in math and literacy and "the envy of the world" (not actually true), but then in the sixties the Supreme Court took prayer out of school. And as another CEAI writer puts it, "By not honoring God in our schools, We have allowed unbelief to be sown into the lives of our children. And when a nation sows unbelief it reaps a harvest Of brokenness, division and moral decay."

In 2013, CEAI joined in a lawsuit being brought by a photogenic California teacher to challenge California's fair share rule that says non-members must still pay the union a share of dues to cover some costs of the union activities from which they benefit. The teacher was Rebecca Friedrichs, who was a CEAI member, and the case was rightly seen as an attack on unionism, especially because Friedrichs was willing to get in front of any camera to talk about how bad the union was.

CEAI got a new chief in 2017--David Schmus, who has a BA in Political Science from Pepperdine and a MA in Biblical Studies and Theology, as well as a CTEL/CLAD Cross-Cultural Language teaching certificate, from Biola University, where he taught for 13 years and was a computer tech for 6. Schmus was in charge when the Janus verdict came down to cheer that "Our teachers...are now free."

In 2022 they went through a rebrand aimed at trying "to reach the next generation of Ambassadors for Christ in our schools." The "leave your union" message, though still there, has been toned down considerably. There continues to be some question about how many actual members they have--maybe not even 10,000.

American Association of Educators

AAE was founded in California in 1994 by Gary Beckner who was a community college instructor and textbook author who also liked to fish and sing, but mostly he was an insurance salesman with a BS in marketing. He appears to have been religious, but there's little on line to indicate what exactly moved him to create AAE. He got a handful of former Teachers of the Year to start it with him. In 1997 he told David Kirkpatrick:

Many teachers who contact us are aware of some of the independent groups...but express dissatisfaction that these groups sometimes don't seem much different than the NEA—especially regarding reform issues such as school choice, tenure, standards, or competency testing. They also express concern that these organizations shy away from taking stands on controversial issues such as multiculturalism, Goals 2000 funding, OBE [outcome-based education], etc.

On their webpage touting the new(er) Pennsylvania branch, AAE says

AAE is committed to a teaching profession that is student oriented, well respected, and personally fulfilling. AAE is dedicated to restoring the true teacher voice to policy debates and implementation.

AAE remains on the reformiy side of many issues. Their blog includes pieces about how school choice is great, and Lucy Culkins is terrible. Their Advisory Board includes right-tilted reformsters such as Jay Greene (Heritage Foundation), Mike Petrilli (Fordham Institute), and Rick Hess (American Enterprise Institute), plus some charter school folks. 

The Center for Media and Democracy found that AAE scored a hefty grant from the right wing Bradley Foundation; in their grant proposal, they said "AAE thinks it is well-positioned to help further weaken the unions and their political goals."

Three years ago, AAE became quite visible in Wisconsin in the middle of the blustery public discourse about Act 10, during which (Kristi) Lacroix herself and the group’s small number of members were helpful. AAE and Lacroix have admirably struggled, in the face of severe challenges, to increase that number and decrease the unions’ hold on teachers’ money, and thus their power. Therefore, staff recommends a $200,000 investment in AAEF for the Wisconsin activities.

Ultimately, says CMD, Bradley pumped $1.7 million into AAE. 

AAE talks about a lot of things that other unions talk about, like dealing with covid, self care, increasing teacher diversity. They offer a sort of stripped down version of liability and certificate protection. Collectiove bargaining and workplace clout? Not so much. But folks like the Bradleys love to see unions with less money and power, and AAE certainly helps with that.

Union busting never goes out of style

I have been the president of a local teachers union (and through a strike, no less). I have also been that local member who got ahold of state leadership to give them hell. I will be the last person to tell you that PSEA and NEA should be trusted and followed every time without question. Unions are imperfect organizations, sometimes infuriatingly so. Always have been.

But they're still necessary.

You know what the most effective anti-union measure is? I saw it in action at a local business-- you treat your employees with such care and respect, and you make their working conditions so good and their pay and benefit so attractive that when the union tries to come in, the employees say, "What do we need you for?"

But in education, as in many fields, the desire is to figure out how the least you can get away with spending on the whole enterprise, and since teachers are the major expense at most districts, that means the pressure will always be to pay them the least, and give them the fewest benefits that you can and still manage to fill positions. And these days, most districts are actually offering less than that, as witness by the teacher exodus. 

On top of that, teachers need a minimal amount of protection just to do their jobs without constant fear of reprisal or obstruction. 

The point of joining a real teachers union is not to get rich or to be protected from being incompetent (a union does neither), but to get the elbow room to do your damn job. In Pennsylvania, the union has to do that for you whether you join it or some other pretend union, unless, of course, so many people ditch the union that its power is too diminished to help them. Which is, for some folks, the dream.

Happy Labor Day.